The International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) was an ad hoc

Ad hoc

Ad hoc is a Latin phrase meaning "for this". It generally signifies a solution designed for a specific problem or task, non-generalizable, and not intended to be able to be adapted to other purposes. Compare A priori....

 commission of participants which in 2001 worked to popularize the concept of humanitarian intervention

Humanitarian intervention

Humanitarian intervention "refers to a state using military force against another state when the chief publicly declared aim of that military action is ending human-rights violations being perpetrated by the state against which it is directed."...

 and democracy-restoring intervention under the name of "Responsibility to protect

Responsibility to protect

The responsibility to protect is a norm or set of principles based on the idea that sovereignty is not a privilege, but a responsibility. RtoP focuses on preventing and halting four crimes: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing, which it places under the generic...

."

The Commission was founded by Gareth Evans

Gareth Evans (politician)

Gareth John Evans, AO, QC , is a former Australian politician from 1978 to 1999 representing the Australian Labor Party, serving in a number of ministries including Attorney-General and Foreign Minister from 1983 to 1996 in the Hawke and Keating governments. He was president and chief executive...

 and Mohamed Sahnoun under the authority of the Canadian Government and consisted of members from the UN General Assembly. The purpose of the Committee was to arrive at an answer to the following question posed by Kofi Annan:

if humanitarian intervention is, indeed, an unacceptable assault on sovereignty, how should we respond to a Rwanda, to a Srebrenica - to gross and systematic violations of human rights that affect every precept of our common humanity?

The question summarises the ongoing debate between those who value the norm of humanitarian intervention above state sovereignty and vice versa.

Research conducted by the ICISS culminated in the ICISS Report http://www.iciss-ciise.gc.ca/report2-en.asp, which included recommendations to the International Community on the normative debate of humanitarian intervention versus state sovereignty. The report, although long, fails to address many key issues that plague this debate. The report added to the existing confusion and several key recommendations are of legal concern.

For instance, Sections 4.18-4.21 of the Report show an eagerness to approach the issue of what scale of atrocity necessitates humanitarian intervention. However the researchers shied away from committing to any concrete definition, with the impetus of the Commission showing through in Section 4.21 of their report:

In both the broad conditions we identified - loss of life and ethnic cleansing - we have described the action in question as needing to be "large scale" in order to justify military intervention. We make no attempt to quantify "large scale": opinions may differ in some marginal cases (for example, where a number of small scale incidents may build cumulatively into large scale atrocity), but most will not in practice generate major disagreement. What we do make clear, however, is that military action can be legitimate as an anticipatory measure in response to clear evidence of likely large scale killing. Without this possibility of anticipatory action, the international community would be placed in the morally untenable position of being required to wait until genocide begins, before being able to take action to stop it.

While the notion of preemptive defense can be supported by an individual state's foreign policy, it is not supported by international humanitarian law nor the UN Charter. Exacting military intervention on the basis of evidence of a "likely 'large scale' killing" (where large scale is not defined) presents a problem where intent does not follow through with action. One may argue that the genocide (or similar atrocity) did not eventuate because of the military intervention, however the genocide may have also not eventuated due to natural inaction or reduced support.

In 2003, two years after the ICISS Report was released, foreign policy action taken by the United States government against Iraq, reflected the Report's theme of "just cause" for preemptive humanitarian intervention.

The people of the United States and our friends and allies will not live at the mercy of an outlaw regime that threatens the peace with weapons of mass murder. We will meet that threat now, with our Army, Air Force, Navy, Coast Guard and Marines, so that we do not have to meet it later with armies of fire fighters and police and doctors on the streets of our cities.
Source: President Bush Addresses the Nation (March 19, 2003)

One of the aims of the Commission was to direct attention towards the needs of people affected by humanitarian disasters; and subsequently away from questions of whether respect for sovereignty is more important than a moral responsibility to intervene. The Commission stressed stronger reliance upon NGOs, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, to help prevent humanitarian crisis through assistance.

Critics of the ICISS Report additionally highlight that ignoring governments, that have been weakened by conflict or other disaster, is only likely to increase the risk of crises. Political humanitarian crises, such as those exhibited in Rwanda, occur when civil society cannot properly function or repair itself if the government is unable to address key security issues.

According to its website

On release of its report in December 2001, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) completed its mandate. As such, there is no longer a direct point of contact for the Commission.

The Government of Canada continues to lead follow up efforts on the findings of the commission.