John FitzGibbon, 1st Earl of Clare
Encyclopedia
John FitzGibbon, 1st Earl of Clare PC (Ire)
(c. 1749 – 28 January 1802), later known as Earl of Clare or Lord Clare, was Attorney-General for Ireland
in 1783, then Lord Chancellor of Ireland
in 1789, in which capacity he was first promoted to the Irish peerage.
He was a controversial figure in Irish history, being described variously as a Protestant hardliner, a staunch anti-Catholic, and an early supporter of Union with England (which finally happened shortly before his death). He is said to have been an early opponent of measures for Catholic political relief (meaning the removal of some or all legal disabilities against Catholics) in both Ireland and Great Britain, and may have been the first to suggest to George III that the King would violate his coronation oath if he consented to the admission of Catholics to Parliament.
, Dublin, the son of John FitzGibbon of Ballysheedy, County Limerick
and his wife Isabella Grove, daughter of John Grove, of Ballyhimmock, County Cork
. His father had been born a Catholic but converted to the state religion in order to become a lawyer, and amassed a large fortune.
He was educated at Trinity College
, Dublin and Christchurch, Oxford. He entered the Irish House of Commons
in 1778 as Member for Dublin University
, and held this seat until 1783, when he was appointed Attorney General. From the same year he represented Kilmallock
until 1790. When appointed Lord Chancellor for Ireland in 1789, he was granted his first peerage as Baron FitzGibbon, of Lower Connello in the County of Limerick, in the Peerage of Ireland that year. This did not entitle him to a seat in the British House of Lords, only in the Irish House of Lords
. His later promotions came mostly in the Peerage of Ireland
, being advanced to a Viscountcy (1793) and the Earldom of Clare in 1795. He finally achieved a seat in the British House of Lords in 1799 when created Baron FitzGibbon, of Sidbury in the County of Devon, in the Peerage of Great Britain.
and an opponent of Catholic emancipation
. He despised the independent constitution of 1782. He was also personally and politically opposed to the Irish politician Henry Grattan
who urged a moderate course in the Irish Parliament, and was responsible for defeating Grattan's efforts to reform the Irish land tithe
system (1787-1789) under which millions of Irish Catholics (and all non-Anglicans) were forced to financially support the minority Anglican Church of Ireland
. These were not fully repealed until 1869, (when the Church of Ireland was finally disestablished), although Irish tithes were commuted after the Tithe War
(1831-1836).
FitzGibbon opposed the Catholic Relief Act of 1793 personally, but apparently recommended its acceptance (Although he opposed the act personally he recommended its acceptance in the House of Lords) of 1793, being forced out of necessity when that Act had been recommended to the Irish Executive by the British Cabinet (led by William Pitt the Younger). At the same time, FitzGibbon apparently denounced the policy this Act embodied, so it is probably safe to say that FitzGibbon's own beliefs and principles conflicted with his obligations as a member of the Irish executive of the time.
FitzGibbon's role in the recall, soon after his arrival, of the popular pro Catholic Emancipation
Lord Lieutenant
, Lord Fitzwilliam
is debatable. Although FitzGibbon was probably politically opposed to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Fitzwilliam was apparently recalled, because of his own independent actions. Fitzwilliam was known to be friendly to the Ponsonby family (he was married to one of their daughters), and was generally a Liberal. His close association with and patronage of Irish Whigs led by Grattan and Ponsonby during his short tenure, along with his alleged support of an immediate effort to secure Catholic emancipation in a manner not authorized by the British cabinet is probably what led to his recall. Thus, if any is to blame in the short-lived 'Fitzwilliam episode' it is the great Irish politician Henry Grattan
and the Ponsonby brothers - presumably [William Ponsonby], later Lord Imokilly and his brother John Ponsonby -- not to mention Lord Fitzwilliam himself. Irish nationalists at the time and later naturally saw things very differently and blamed hardline Protestants such as FitzGibbon.
Ironically, Irish Catholics and FitzGibbon agreed on one point apparently - Irish political and economic union with Great Britain (which eventually took place in 1801). Pitt had wanted Union with Ireland concomitantly with Catholic emancipation, commutation of tithes, and the endowment of the Irish Catholic priesthood. Union was opposed by most hardline Irish Protestants, although not all. FitzGibbon had been a strong supporter of Union since 1793, but refused to have Catholic emancipation with the Union. In the end, FitzGibbon's views won out, leading to the Union of Ireland with Great Britain to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland without any privileges for Ireland's Catholic majority (or for that matter, Catholics in the rest of the Kingdom). FitzGibbon later claimed that he had been duped by the way in which the Act was passed (by the new Viceroy Lord Cornwallis promising reforms to Irish Catholics), and was bitterly opposed to any concessions during the short remainder of his life.
during the period of the 1798 rebellion
is questionable. According to some, he supported a hardline policy which used torture
, murder
and massacre to crush the rebellion , or that as Lord Chancellor, he had considerable influence on military affairs, and that martial law could not have been imposed without his consent. Others allege that as Lord chancellor, he had no say in military affairs and the Encyclopedia Britannica states that he was "neither cruel nor immoderate and was inclined to mercy when dealing with individuals" , however the same source also states that "(Fitzgibbon).. was a powerful supporter of a repressive policy toward Irish Catholics". Fitzgibbon's former side was displayed by sparing the lives of the captured United Irish leaders, 'State prisoners', in return for their confession of complicity and provision of information relating to the planning of the rebellion. However, this willingness of the prisoners to partake of the agreement was spurred by the execution of the brothers John and Henry Sheares on 14 July 1798.
In contrast to the leniency shown to the largely upper class leadership, the full weight of military repression was inflicted upon the common people throughout the years 1797-98 with untold thousands suffering imprisonment, torture
, transportation and death. Fitzgibbon was inclined to show no mercy to unrepentant rebels and in October 1798 he expressed his disgust upon the capture of Wolfe Tone that he had been granted a trial and his belief that Tone should have been hanged as soon as he set foot on land.
He was quick to recognise that sectarianism
was a useful ally to divide the rebels and prevent the United Irishmen achieving their goal of uniting Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter, writing in June 1798; "In the North nothing will keep the rebels quiet but the conviction that where treason has broken out the rebellion is merely popish".
Another anecdote is to the effect of his callousness. Supposedly, upon being informed during a debate in the Irish Parliament that innocent as well as guilty were suffering atrocities during the repression, FitzGibbon replied "Well suppose it were so..", his callous reply purportedly shocking William Pitt
.
estate called him "Black Jack" FitzGibbon. There is however no evidence to support this claim, although there is little to no evidence on his dealings as a landlord. Irish nationalists and others point out that while he might have been interested in the welfare of his own tenants on his own estate, he treated other Irish Catholics very differently. Without further evidence, FitzGibbon's role as a Protestant landowner in mainly Catholic Ireland is of little importance against his known dealings as Lord Chancellor.
near St. Stephen's Green, Dublin on 28 January 1802 and was buried in St. Peter's Churchyard
. A hero to Protestant hardliners, but despised by the majority Catholic population, his funeral cortege was the cause of a riot and there is a widespread story that, with a typical Irish sense of humour and a 19th. century lack of appreciation of cats, a number of dead cats were thrown at his coffin as it departed his residence in Ely Place.
FitzGibbon's most significant achievement (historically speaking) was probably his convincing King George III that any concessions to Roman Catholics, whether in Great Britain or in Ireland, would mean that the King was violating his Coronation Oath. Thus, the King and his second son became staunch opponents of pro-Emanicipation measures, which had to wait until both had died. In thus convincing the King (probably between 1793 and 1801), FitzGibbon's policy of repression towards Irish Catholics achieved its finest hour; in doing so, he also defeated all that Grattan and his party had worked to obtain. Furthermore, he also brought about Pitt's downfall, because Pitt had staked his own reputation on obtaining Catholic emancipation concurrently with the Act of Union. No other British Prime Minister would make such efforts for a long time. FitzGibbon thus had a negative role not only in Irish parliamentary and political history, but also in British political history.
By negating all of Grattan's efforts 1787-1789 and those of Pitt in the late 1790s to 1801, FitzGibbon allowed conditions to develop that would benefit sectarian leaders and political philosophies from both religious communities. It is unclear if FitzGibbon's support of Grattan, or support for Pitt's proposals would have made much difference, given that many hardline Protestants probably felt the same way as FitzGibbon. Furthermore, the British Cabinet (not to mention the Royal Family, then far more influential politically) was itself divided on the issue for most of the period. But just as Catholic Emancipation was brought about by a Tory Prime Minister in 1829, or substantial voting reforms brought about by Disraeli and the Conservatives, thus winning support from a crucial minority of those originally opposed to either, the support of a prominent hardline Protestant leader for Catholic Emancipation might have made all the difference to Irish history.
Titles=
Fitzgibbon is an ancestor of renowned magician John Fitzgibbon.
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Privy Council of Ireland
The Privy Council of Ireland was an institution of the Kingdom of Ireland until 31 December 1800 and of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland 1801-1922...
(c. 1749 – 28 January 1802), later known as Earl of Clare or Lord Clare, was Attorney-General for Ireland
Attorney-General for Ireland
The Attorney-General for Ireland was an Irish and then United Kingdom government office. The holder was senior to the Solicitor-General for Ireland, and advised the Crown on Irish legal matters...
in 1783, then Lord Chancellor of Ireland
Lord Chancellor of Ireland
The office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland was the highest judicial office in Ireland until the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922. From 1721 to 1801 it was also the highest political office of the Irish Parliament.-13th century:...
in 1789, in which capacity he was first promoted to the Irish peerage.
He was a controversial figure in Irish history, being described variously as a Protestant hardliner, a staunch anti-Catholic, and an early supporter of Union with England (which finally happened shortly before his death). He is said to have been an early opponent of measures for Catholic political relief (meaning the removal of some or all legal disabilities against Catholics) in both Ireland and Great Britain, and may have been the first to suggest to George III that the King would violate his coronation oath if he consented to the admission of Catholics to Parliament.
Early life
FitzGibbon was born near DonnybrookDonnybrook
Donnybrook may refer to:Placenames* Donnybrook, Dublin, Ireland** site of the original Donnybrook Fair***donnybrook is a brawl - named for the fair** Donnybrook Stadium, Ireland, a rugby union stadium...
, Dublin, the son of John FitzGibbon of Ballysheedy, County Limerick
County Limerick
It is thought that humans had established themselves in the Lough Gur area of the county as early as 3000 BC, while megalithic remains found at Duntryleague date back further to 3500 BC...
and his wife Isabella Grove, daughter of John Grove, of Ballyhimmock, County Cork
County Cork
County Cork is a county in Ireland. It is located in the South-West Region and is also part of the province of Munster. It is named after the city of Cork . Cork County Council is the local authority for the county...
. His father had been born a Catholic but converted to the state religion in order to become a lawyer, and amassed a large fortune.
He was educated at Trinity College
Trinity College, Dublin
Trinity College, Dublin , formally known as the College of the Holy and Undivided Trinity of Queen Elizabeth near Dublin, was founded in 1592 by letters patent from Queen Elizabeth I as the "mother of a university", Extracts from Letters Patent of Elizabeth I, 1592: "...we...found and...
, Dublin and Christchurch, Oxford. He entered the Irish House of Commons
Irish House of Commons
The Irish House of Commons was the lower house of the Parliament of Ireland, that existed from 1297 until 1800. The upper house was the House of Lords...
in 1778 as Member for Dublin University
Dublin University (Parliament of Ireland constituency)
Dublin University was a constituency represented in the Irish House of Commons from 1603 to 1801.-History:This university constituency was first enfranchised as a Parliamentary constituency in 1603...
, and held this seat until 1783, when he was appointed Attorney General. From the same year he represented Kilmallock
Kilmallock (Parliament of Ireland constituency)
Kilmallock was a constituency represented in the Irish House of Commons until 1800.-History:In the Patriot Parliament of 1689 summoned by King James II, Kilmallock was represented with two members.-1689–1801:...
until 1790. When appointed Lord Chancellor for Ireland in 1789, he was granted his first peerage as Baron FitzGibbon, of Lower Connello in the County of Limerick, in the Peerage of Ireland that year. This did not entitle him to a seat in the British House of Lords, only in the Irish House of Lords
Irish House of Lords
The Irish House of Lords was the upper house of the Parliament of Ireland that existed from mediaeval times until 1800. It was abolished along with the Irish House of Commons by the Act of Union.-Function:...
. His later promotions came mostly in the Peerage of Ireland
Peerage of Ireland
The Peerage of Ireland is the term used for those titles of nobility created by the English and later British monarchs of Ireland in their capacity as Lord or King of Ireland. The creation of such titles came to an end in the 19th century. The ranks of the Irish peerage are Duke, Marquess, Earl,...
, being advanced to a Viscountcy (1793) and the Earldom of Clare in 1795. He finally achieved a seat in the British House of Lords in 1799 when created Baron FitzGibbon, of Sidbury in the County of Devon, in the Peerage of Great Britain.
FitzGibbon as Lord Chancellor
John FitzGibbon, first Earl of Clare was a renowned champion of the Protestant AscendancyProtestant Ascendancy
The Protestant Ascendancy, usually known in Ireland simply as the Ascendancy, is a phrase used when referring to the political, economic, and social domination of Ireland by a minority of great landowners, Protestant clergy, and professionals, all members of the Established Church during the 17th...
and an opponent of Catholic emancipation
Catholic Emancipation
Catholic emancipation or Catholic relief was a process in Great Britain and Ireland in the late 18th century and early 19th century which involved reducing and removing many of the restrictions on Roman Catholics which had been introduced by the Act of Uniformity, the Test Acts and the penal laws...
. He despised the independent constitution of 1782. He was also personally and politically opposed to the Irish politician Henry Grattan
Henry Grattan
Henry Grattan was an Irish politician and member of the Irish House of Commons and a campaigner for legislative freedom for the Irish Parliament in the late 18th century. He opposed the Act of Union 1800 that merged the Kingdoms of Ireland and Great Britain.-Early life:Grattan was born at...
who urged a moderate course in the Irish Parliament, and was responsible for defeating Grattan's efforts to reform the Irish land tithe
Tithe
A tithe is a one-tenth part of something, paid as a contribution to a religious organization or compulsory tax to government. Today, tithes are normally voluntary and paid in cash, cheques, or stocks, whereas historically tithes were required and paid in kind, such as agricultural products...
system (1787-1789) under which millions of Irish Catholics (and all non-Anglicans) were forced to financially support the minority Anglican Church of Ireland
Church of Ireland
The Church of Ireland is an autonomous province of the Anglican Communion. The church operates in all parts of Ireland and is the second largest religious body on the island after the Roman Catholic Church...
. These were not fully repealed until 1869, (when the Church of Ireland was finally disestablished), although Irish tithes were commuted after the Tithe War
Tithe War
The Tithe War was a campaign of nonviolent civil disobedience, punctuated by sporadic violent episodes, in Ireland between 1830-36 in reaction to the enforcement of Tithes on subsistence farmers and others for the upkeep of the established state church - the Church of Ireland...
(1831-1836).
FitzGibbon opposed the Catholic Relief Act of 1793 personally, but apparently recommended its acceptance (Although he opposed the act personally he recommended its acceptance in the House of Lords) of 1793, being forced out of necessity when that Act had been recommended to the Irish Executive by the British Cabinet (led by William Pitt the Younger). At the same time, FitzGibbon apparently denounced the policy this Act embodied, so it is probably safe to say that FitzGibbon's own beliefs and principles conflicted with his obligations as a member of the Irish executive of the time.
FitzGibbon's role in the recall, soon after his arrival, of the popular pro Catholic Emancipation
Catholic Emancipation
Catholic emancipation or Catholic relief was a process in Great Britain and Ireland in the late 18th century and early 19th century which involved reducing and removing many of the restrictions on Roman Catholics which had been introduced by the Act of Uniformity, the Test Acts and the penal laws...
Lord Lieutenant
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland was the British King's representative and head of the Irish executive during the Lordship of Ireland , the Kingdom of Ireland and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland...
, Lord Fitzwilliam
William FitzWilliam, 4th Earl FitzWilliam
William Wentworth-Fitzwilliam, 4th Earl Fitzwilliam PC , styled Viscount Milton until 1756, was a British Whig statesman of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. In 1782 he inherited his uncle Charles Watson-Wentworth, 2nd Marquess of Rockingham's estates, making him one of the richest people in...
is debatable. Although FitzGibbon was probably politically opposed to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Fitzwilliam was apparently recalled, because of his own independent actions. Fitzwilliam was known to be friendly to the Ponsonby family (he was married to one of their daughters), and was generally a Liberal. His close association with and patronage of Irish Whigs led by Grattan and Ponsonby during his short tenure, along with his alleged support of an immediate effort to secure Catholic emancipation in a manner not authorized by the British cabinet is probably what led to his recall. Thus, if any is to blame in the short-lived 'Fitzwilliam episode' it is the great Irish politician Henry Grattan
Henry Grattan
Henry Grattan was an Irish politician and member of the Irish House of Commons and a campaigner for legislative freedom for the Irish Parliament in the late 18th century. He opposed the Act of Union 1800 that merged the Kingdoms of Ireland and Great Britain.-Early life:Grattan was born at...
and the Ponsonby brothers - presumably [William Ponsonby], later Lord Imokilly and his brother John Ponsonby -- not to mention Lord Fitzwilliam himself. Irish nationalists at the time and later naturally saw things very differently and blamed hardline Protestants such as FitzGibbon.
Ironically, Irish Catholics and FitzGibbon agreed on one point apparently - Irish political and economic union with Great Britain (which eventually took place in 1801). Pitt had wanted Union with Ireland concomitantly with Catholic emancipation, commutation of tithes, and the endowment of the Irish Catholic priesthood. Union was opposed by most hardline Irish Protestants, although not all. FitzGibbon had been a strong supporter of Union since 1793, but refused to have Catholic emancipation with the Union. In the end, FitzGibbon's views won out, leading to the Union of Ireland with Great Britain to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland without any privileges for Ireland's Catholic majority (or for that matter, Catholics in the rest of the Kingdom). FitzGibbon later claimed that he had been duped by the way in which the Act was passed (by the new Viceroy Lord Cornwallis promising reforms to Irish Catholics), and was bitterly opposed to any concessions during the short remainder of his life.
FitzGibbon as Lord Chancellor in the Irish Rebellion of 1798
FitzGibbon's role as Lord Chancellor of IrelandLord Chancellor of Ireland
The office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland was the highest judicial office in Ireland until the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922. From 1721 to 1801 it was also the highest political office of the Irish Parliament.-13th century:...
during the period of the 1798 rebellion
Irish Rebellion of 1798
The Irish Rebellion of 1798 , also known as the United Irishmen Rebellion , was an uprising in 1798, lasting several months, against British rule in Ireland...
is questionable. According to some, he supported a hardline policy which used torture
Torture
Torture is the act of inflicting severe pain as a means of punishment, revenge, forcing information or a confession, or simply as an act of cruelty. Throughout history, torture has often been used as a method of political re-education, interrogation, punishment, and coercion...
, murder
Murder
Murder is the unlawful killing, with malice aforethought, of another human being, and generally this state of mind distinguishes murder from other forms of unlawful homicide...
and massacre to crush the rebellion , or that as Lord Chancellor, he had considerable influence on military affairs, and that martial law could not have been imposed without his consent. Others allege that as Lord chancellor, he had no say in military affairs and the Encyclopedia Britannica states that he was "neither cruel nor immoderate and was inclined to mercy when dealing with individuals" , however the same source also states that "(Fitzgibbon).. was a powerful supporter of a repressive policy toward Irish Catholics". Fitzgibbon's former side was displayed by sparing the lives of the captured United Irish leaders, 'State prisoners', in return for their confession of complicity and provision of information relating to the planning of the rebellion. However, this willingness of the prisoners to partake of the agreement was spurred by the execution of the brothers John and Henry Sheares on 14 July 1798.
In contrast to the leniency shown to the largely upper class leadership, the full weight of military repression was inflicted upon the common people throughout the years 1797-98 with untold thousands suffering imprisonment, torture
Torture
Torture is the act of inflicting severe pain as a means of punishment, revenge, forcing information or a confession, or simply as an act of cruelty. Throughout history, torture has often been used as a method of political re-education, interrogation, punishment, and coercion...
, transportation and death. Fitzgibbon was inclined to show no mercy to unrepentant rebels and in October 1798 he expressed his disgust upon the capture of Wolfe Tone that he had been granted a trial and his belief that Tone should have been hanged as soon as he set foot on land.
He was quick to recognise that sectarianism
Sectarianism
Sectarianism, according to one definition, is bigotry, discrimination or hatred arising from attaching importance to perceived differences between subdivisions within a group, such as between different denominations of a religion, class, regional or factions of a political movement.The ideological...
was a useful ally to divide the rebels and prevent the United Irishmen achieving their goal of uniting Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter, writing in June 1798; "In the North nothing will keep the rebels quiet but the conviction that where treason has broken out the rebellion is merely popish".
Another anecdote is to the effect of his callousness. Supposedly, upon being informed during a debate in the Irish Parliament that innocent as well as guilty were suffering atrocities during the repression, FitzGibbon replied "Well suppose it were so..", his callous reply purportedly shocking William Pitt
William Pitt the Younger
William Pitt the Younger was a British politician of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. He became the youngest Prime Minister in 1783 at the age of 24 . He left office in 1801, but was Prime Minister again from 1804 until his death in 1806...
.
FitzGibbon as a Landlord
FitzGibbon, or Clare, was noted by some as a good, improving landlord to both his Protestant and Catholic tenants. Some claim that the tenants of his MountshannonMountshannon house
Mountshannon House was a large mansion in Lisnagry, near Castleconnell, County Limerick, built in the mid-18th century. It was the home of John FitzGibbon, 1st Earl of Clare. It was burnt down during the Anglo-Irish war in 1920. Today it is mostly a ruin....
estate called him "Black Jack" FitzGibbon. There is however no evidence to support this claim, although there is little to no evidence on his dealings as a landlord. Irish nationalists and others point out that while he might have been interested in the welfare of his own tenants on his own estate, he treated other Irish Catholics very differently. Without further evidence, FitzGibbon's role as a Protestant landowner in mainly Catholic Ireland is of little importance against his known dealings as Lord Chancellor.
Apocryphal story about his funeral
Lord Clare died at home, 6 Ely PlaceEly Place, Dublin
Ely Place is a street in central Dublin with Georgian architecture. It is a continuation of Upper Merrion Street and the place where Lower Baggot Street and Merrion Row meet. Both the latter and Hume Street link it to St...
near St. Stephen's Green, Dublin on 28 January 1802 and was buried in St. Peter's Churchyard
St. Peter's Church, Aungier Street, Dublin
St. Peter's Church was a former Church of Ireland parish church located in Aungier St. in Dublin, Ireland, where the Dublin YMCA building now stands. It was built on land that formerly belonged to the Whitefriars in Dublin...
. A hero to Protestant hardliners, but despised by the majority Catholic population, his funeral cortege was the cause of a riot and there is a widespread story that, with a typical Irish sense of humour and a 19th. century lack of appreciation of cats, a number of dead cats were thrown at his coffin as it departed his residence in Ely Place.
Summary
FitzGibbon appears to have made little mark in British political history, as compared to Irish parliamentary history. His adversary Henry Grattan and the aristocratic rebel Lord Edward FitzGerald (with the other rebels of 1798) are better remembered. FitzGibbon was apparently a hardline Protestant, a landlord and a member of the Protestant Ascendancy, who naturally supported those political measures that would preserve Protestant domination of Ireland and the continued suppression of the numerically dominant Catholics in Ireland. He won his point in 1801 and its immediate aftermath, when the Irish Parliament was dissolved and Union with Great Britain was achieved - without any concessions to Catholics. In the long run, his views lost out, as subsequent British Cabinets were forced to concede full rights to Catholics in 1829 (while imposing new voting restrictions in Ireland and thus disenfranchising poorer Catholics). The Union with Great Britain, so bitterly opposed by Henry Grattan, was eventually dissolved partially more than a century later.FitzGibbon's most significant achievement (historically speaking) was probably his convincing King George III that any concessions to Roman Catholics, whether in Great Britain or in Ireland, would mean that the King was violating his Coronation Oath. Thus, the King and his second son became staunch opponents of pro-Emanicipation measures, which had to wait until both had died. In thus convincing the King (probably between 1793 and 1801), FitzGibbon's policy of repression towards Irish Catholics achieved its finest hour; in doing so, he also defeated all that Grattan and his party had worked to obtain. Furthermore, he also brought about Pitt's downfall, because Pitt had staked his own reputation on obtaining Catholic emancipation concurrently with the Act of Union. No other British Prime Minister would make such efforts for a long time. FitzGibbon thus had a negative role not only in Irish parliamentary and political history, but also in British political history.
By negating all of Grattan's efforts 1787-1789 and those of Pitt in the late 1790s to 1801, FitzGibbon allowed conditions to develop that would benefit sectarian leaders and political philosophies from both religious communities. It is unclear if FitzGibbon's support of Grattan, or support for Pitt's proposals would have made much difference, given that many hardline Protestants probably felt the same way as FitzGibbon. Furthermore, the British Cabinet (not to mention the Royal Family, then far more influential politically) was itself divided on the issue for most of the period. But just as Catholic Emancipation was brought about by a Tory Prime Minister in 1829, or substantial voting reforms brought about by Disraeli and the Conservatives, thus winning support from a crucial minority of those originally opposed to either, the support of a prominent hardline Protestant leader for Catholic Emancipation might have made all the difference to Irish history.
Titles=
- Baron FitzGibbon, of Lower Connello in the County of Limerick, in the Peerage of IrelandPeerage of IrelandThe Peerage of Ireland is the term used for those titles of nobility created by the English and later British monarchs of Ireland in their capacity as Lord or King of Ireland. The creation of such titles came to an end in the 19th century. The ranks of the Irish peerage are Duke, Marquess, Earl,...
on appointment as Lord Chancellor of IrelandLord Chancellor of IrelandThe office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland was the highest judicial office in Ireland until the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922. From 1721 to 1801 it was also the highest political office of the Irish Parliament.-13th century:...
in 1789, - Viscount FitzGibbon, of Limerick in the County of Limerick, in the Peerage of Ireland in 1793,
- Earl of Clare in the Peerage of Ireland in 1795.
- Baron FitzGibbon, of Sidbury in the County of Devon, in the Peerage of Great BritainPeerage of Great BritainThe Peerage of Great Britain comprises all extant peerages created in the Kingdom of Great Britain after the Act of Union 1707 but before the Act of Union 1800...
, in 1799.
Fitzgibbon is an ancestor of renowned magician John Fitzgibbon.
Sources
- The Irish Act of Union - Patrick M. Geoghegan (2001)
- A Volley of Execrations: the letters and papers of John Fitzgibbon, earl of Clare, 1772-1802, edited by D. A. Fleming and A. P. W. Malcomson. (2004)
- Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
External links
- John FitzGibbon, 1st Earl of Clare in the Encyclopedia Britannica
- Fitzwilliam's Viceroyalty 1795
- Henry Grattan's Political Career
- Henry Grattan
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