Kifaya
Encyclopedia
Kefaya is the unofficial moniker of the Egyptian Movement for Change ( el-Haraka el-Masreyya men agl el-Taghyeer), a grassroots
coalition
which prior to the 2011 revolution drew its support from across Egypt
’s political spectrum. It was a platform for protest against Hosni Mubarak
’s presidency and the possibility he might seek to transfer power directly to his son Gamal
; political corruption and stagnation; "the blurring of the lines between power and wealth; and the regime's cruelty, coercion and disregard for human rights."
While it first came to public attention in the summer of 2004, and achieved a much greater profile during the 2005 constitutional referendum and presidential election campaigns, it subsequently lost momentum, suffering from internal dissent, leadership change, and a more general frustration at the apparent inability of Egypt’s political opposition to force the pace of reform.
following the start of the Second Intifada in Palestine
in October 2000. The pro-Intifada demonstrations were particularly notable as they involved a new generation of previously non-politicised youth and, as a direct consequence, resulted in a revival of Egyptian street politics.
Following the US-led invasion of Iraq
in March 2003, these protesters formed the backbone of Egypt’s highly vocal anti-war movement, and their protests in turn developed into the first public demonstrations against President Mubarak since he had taken office. The anti-war protest of 20 March 2003 – from which the anti-war movement 20 March derived its name – was one of the biggest spontaneous demonstrations in Egypt’s history.
The evolution of this protest movement into Kefaya occurred during the summer of 2004. Speculation, fuelled by state-controlled media, had been mounting that major changes in top-level political personnel were to be announced. The much-anticipated cabinet reshuffle in July resulted in only cosmetic changes, however, and saw the installation of a number of supporters of the President’s son, Gamal Mubarak
, in important government posts.
Fearing a hereditary transfer of power similar to that which had occurred in Syria
, opposition activists and intellectuals were galvanised into action. In August, a petition was circulated which demanded fundamental constitutional and economic reforms, but most importantly direct presidential elections with competing candidates. The 300 signatories of what became Kefaya’s founding declaration called for “democracy and reform to take root in Egypt.” Then in October 2004, Tariq al-Bishri, one of Egypt’s most respected judges, presented what soon came to be regarded as the movement’s first manifesto
in which he exhorted his fellow citizens to “withdraw their long-abused consent to be governed” – in effect, a call for civil disobedience.
Kefaya’s first rally, held on 12 December, was an historic event, being the first occasion a protest had been organised solely to demand that the President step down. Surrounded by riot police, between 500 and 1000 activists gathered on the steps of the High Court in Cairo
. They “remained mostly silent and taped over their mouths a large yellow sticker emblazoned with “Kefaya”.”
, with parallels to Ukraine’s
Orange Revolution
and Poland’s
Solidarity movement. It draws its support from a cosmopolitan range of sources including Nasserists
, Islamists, Liberals, Marxists, Secularists etc., some of which have deep-rooted ideological differences, and have even clashed in the past. Activists frequently stress that it is not a political party aiming to achieve power, but a “national coalition movement” united by the common goal of seeking an end to President Mubarak’s rule.
Abdel-Halim Qandil, the editor of the Nasserist
newspaper Al-Arabi who was spokesman for the movement until the beginning of 2007, emphasised that the use of the word “Kefaya” was designed to connect with the general public: “Our movement targets Egyptians
. We want them to put away their fears, and demand their political and economic rights.” Another member, Dr Mohamed Al-Saed Idris, an academic, called it “a national cry against the status quo.”
on 25 May to approve changes to the constitution that would allow the first ever direct, multi-candidate elections for the presidency. The second was the Presidential election itself, held on 7 September.
Book Fair.
Then on 26 February 2005, President Mubarak
caused consternation when he announced a proposal to amend Article 76 of the Constitution
to enable multiple candidates to contest presidential elections directly for the first time. Under the old system, the election process was indirect: the candidate was nominated and confirmed by the People’s Assembly (Majlis al-Sha’b), controlled by the National Democratic Party
(NDP), before being approved in a nation-wide “yes” or “no” referendum.
The immediate repercussion to this announcement was the decision by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
to cancel a proposed visit to the country in protest at the arrest and imprisonment of opposition politician Ayman Nour
, leader of the al-Ghad (Tomorrow) Party. More generally, American President
George W. Bush
had been putting pressure on key regional allies, especially Egypt and Saudi Arabia
, to introduce some form of electoral reform
as part of efforts to spread democracy – the so-called “forward strategy for freedom.” The Washington Post described President Mubarak’s plans as “an act of minimalism intended to deflect domestic and international pressure.” Kefaya immediately denounced the proposals as “theatrics” and a “fake reform” designed merely as a "reformulation of the dictatorship".
The timing of the President’s announcement was significant, coming only a few weeks after the close of the annual voter registration
period (1 November to 31 January) specified under Article 5 of Egypt’s constitution. When the specifics of the constitutional amendment
were presented by law-makers, the opposition’s fears seemed justified. Under the new rules, each candidate would require the support of at least 250 elected officials from national or local bodies. As these were controlled by the NDP, it would be virtually impossible for signatures to be collected. In addition, political parties
that wished to put their candidates on the ballot
would need to have been licensed for a minimum of 5 years and have at least 5% of seats in the lower and upper house. This move seemed designed to place even greater pressure on established opposition parties, in particular the already-proscribed Muslim Brotherhood
.
The opposition were scathing in their criticism of the NDP. Hussein Abderazzek of the left-wing Tagammu party declared: “The NDP will not only choose its own candidate but also his competitors,” while Kefaya accused the party of “aborting people’s hopes for freedom and democracy.”
Kefaya’s activities served as a catalyst for other opposition groups. Egypt’s largest opposition party, the Muslim Brotherhood
, held its own demonstrations calling for political reform, while university professors held a silent protest on 19 April calling for an end to state control of campuses. The previous month Misr Digital, the country’s first independent digital newspaper, was launched quickly becoming the main source of information on Kefaya’s activities.
Egypt’s judiciary, regarded as having almost replaced the opposition in the past, put additional pressure on the government over the issue of the domestic monitoring of elections. At a meeting on 15 April of the Alexandria Judges Club, 1200 judges threatened to withdraw their supervision of presidential and parliamentary elections unless they were guaranteed independence and control of all stages of elections.
Throughout this period, while police and security forces continued to harass Kefaya and other opposition activists, there was no full-scale crackdown. In effect, a stand-off had developed: while the opposition was not strong enough to topple the government, the government was equally unable to stamp-out the opposition, at least partly in fear of the international outcry that would follow. Egyptians described the situation as “political congestion”.
were attacked by Mubarak
supporters and plain-clothes policemen, whilst riot police looked on. A reporter gave an eyewitness account of what happened in front of the press building:
“The steps were full of Kefaya people and I was on the edge of the crowd. There was a cordon of security and riot policemen on the street. I saw a group of NDP people come down the streets – they had Mubarak posters – and there were at least 20 riot police walking with them, looking like they were protecting them. The police at the bottom of the steps opened the cordon to let the NDP gang through to the demonstrators. The next thing I knew a gang of about 20 or 30 NDP guys came at us from the left.”
Amongst the victims of the brutality were two women who were beaten and sexually molested. The opposition were unified in their condemnation and demanded the resignation of the Interior Minister
, Habib al-‘Adli. In addition, Kefaya held protests every Wednesday for the rest of the summer.
Despite these incidents, there was no serious violence on voting day, which George Ishak, Kefaya’s co-ordinator at the time, attributed to international attention on Egypt: “There are 1,800 foreign correspondents watching the elections; do you think the regime would should show its hideous face to the world? They behaved the way they did because of the huge media presence.”
The referendum approved the proposed constitutional amendments, but Egyptian judges challenged a government turnout figure of 52%, saying it was closer to 5%.
of Saad Zaghoul, one of Egypt’s national heroes. It was described as “the most organised and impressive demonstration by the reform movement to date.”
Throughout the summer, inspired by Kefaya’s example, a series of opposition groups sprang up, all seeking to expand freedoms in specific areas of society. They included Journalists for Change, Doctors for Change, Workers for Change and Youth for Change, which had been founded on the eve of the referendum and became Kefaya’s unofficial youth arm.
However, the government was emboldened by its May success, and increased its pressure on Kefaya and the other opposition parties. At a rally held in Cairo on 30 July to protest against President Mubarak’s intention to seek a fifth term, 200 activists were attacked by uniformed and plain clothed police wielding truncheons. The decision to do this was described by Human Rights Watch
as “not just to prevent a demonstration, but also to physically punish those daring to protest President Mubarak’s candidacy.” The tactics seemed to have an effect when Kefaya was forced to abandon its plan of inviting several prominent figures to run against the President when no names were forthcoming. Instead, it adopted a strategy of boycotting the elections. One of Kefaya’s founding members, Hany Anan, declared:
“We are showing Egyptians that we can challenge the ruler, we can tell him we don’t want you, that’s enough, you go, and we can do this in public and still go back to our homes, maybe with some wounds or some bruises, but we still go home.”
Although ten candidates stood for the presidency, the election results came as little surprise. President Mubarak won with 88.6% of the vote. However, of 32 million eligible voters, only seven million cast their ballot, meaning just six million had voted to re-elect the President for a further six years. Most of the defeated candidates challenged these results on the grounds of fraud
and other irregularities.
Following the elections, it was predicted in some quarters that Kefaya would disappear from the political scene. In response to this, a huge rally was organised in Cairo to coincide with the President’s swearing-in ceremony on 27 September which organisers claimed was attended by over 5000 people. They carried banners and chanted slogans attacking the President and his regime, including “6 millions voted yes, 70 millions say no.” The rally culminated in a mass oath by Kefaya members, promising to continue their opposition to the President and his plans to pass power to his son.
In the autumn, Kefaya joined a group of other opposition parties to form the National Front for Change to fight parliamentary elections that took place between November and December. The joint effort resulted in only 12 seats, however. While the NDP dominated Assembly with 388 seats, the big opposition winners were the Muslim Brotherhood
whose candidates, running as independents because of the ban on the party, won 88 seats. Talking about the coalition’s disappointing showing, Kefaya spokesman Abdel-Halim Qandil said “it will take time and effort for the public to believe in its effectiveness.”
” and a strong opposition network to press the regime, neither of which have materialised. Moreover, in the aftermath of the 2005 Presidential elections, the International Crisis Group
stated: “Kefaya has remained essentially a protest movement, targeting Mubarak personally and articulating a bitter rejection of the status quo
rather than a constructive vision of how it might be transformed.”
It has also been criticised for failing to reach beyond “an exclusive, Cairo-based intellectual crowd,” offering a “lofty discourse on human rights and democracy” but no practical solutions to the problems Egyptians face on a daily basis, such as poverty, unemployment, poor access to education and public services, etc. Thus, according to Abdel Fattah, an academic at Cairo University
, Kefaya “are not effective among the masses and they will not reach the point where we see millions of Egyptians take to the streets…instead of slogans I want practical solutions to problems.” Unless they can broaden their base of support into key urban and rural areas, they may indeed remain “a group of intellectuals screaming and shouting in political forums and magazines....”
remained among ordinary Egyptian people as a result of 53 years of bans on protests, along with crackdowns on and detentions of opposition activists. Mohammed El-Sayed Said described Kefaya’s problem thus: “Ordinary Egyptians want democracy but will not fight for it.”
Moreover, recently Kefaya has been described as suffering from an “identity crisis
”. There have been disputes over tactics between the movement and Youth for Change, particularly over what have been termed the latter’s “vigilante
street tactics.” Then, at the end of 2006, a more serious split occurred after an anonymous article was posted on Kefaya’s website apparently supporting an anti-veil stance advocated by Farouk Hosni, the Minister of Culture. Although the article was subsequently removed, seven key figures, all pro-Islamist, announced their intention to quit the movement. One, Magdi Ahmed Hussein, declared that Kefaya had “failed to find the middle ground between the Islamists and liberals…”
The movement’s co-ordinator since 2004, George Ishak, stepped down in January 2007 to be replaced by Abdel Wahhab Al-Messiri, a renowned anti-zionist scholar and former member of both the Egyptian Communist Party and Muslim Brotherhood
. He faces the difficult task of renewing the movement following further constitutional changes approved by a referendum in March 2007. The changes, which make it even harder for political parties to operate and extend the state’s security powers, are described by Amnesty International
as the “greatest erosion of human rights” since the introduction of emergency powers in 1981.
Having successfully broken the taboo
on directly criticising and challenging the President, it remains to be seen whether unity within such a disparate movement can be maintained long enough for it to broaden its appeal beyond its urban roots and become a genuine popular movement.
At the time of the 2011 Egyptian protests the movement joined the protests that had been initiated by younger internet-savvy agitators via Facebook
, and were described by international media interviewers as the 'opposition'.
Grassroots democracy
Grassroots democracy is a tendency towards designing political processes where as much decision-making authority as practical is shifted to the organization's lowest geographic level of organization: principle of subsidiarity....
coalition
Coalition
A coalition is a pact or treaty among individuals or groups, during which they cooperate in joint action, each in their own self-interest, joining forces together for a common cause. This alliance may be temporary or a matter of convenience. A coalition thus differs from a more formal covenant...
which prior to the 2011 revolution drew its support from across Egypt
Egypt
Egypt , officially the Arab Republic of Egypt, Arabic: , is a country mainly in North Africa, with the Sinai Peninsula forming a land bridge in Southwest Asia. Egypt is thus a transcontinental country, and a major power in Africa, the Mediterranean Basin, the Middle East and the Muslim world...
’s political spectrum. It was a platform for protest against Hosni Mubarak
Hosni Mubarak
Muhammad Hosni Sayyid Mubarak is a former Egyptian politician and military commander. He served as the fourth President of Egypt from 1981 to 2011....
’s presidency and the possibility he might seek to transfer power directly to his son Gamal
Gamal Mubarak
Gamal Al Din Mohammed Hosni Sayed Mubarak , , is the younger of the two sons of ousted Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and former First Lady Suzanne Mubarak...
; political corruption and stagnation; "the blurring of the lines between power and wealth; and the regime's cruelty, coercion and disregard for human rights."
While it first came to public attention in the summer of 2004, and achieved a much greater profile during the 2005 constitutional referendum and presidential election campaigns, it subsequently lost momentum, suffering from internal dissent, leadership change, and a more general frustration at the apparent inability of Egypt’s political opposition to force the pace of reform.
Origins
While Kefaya first emerged in 2004, its origins can be found in earlier strands of political protest, beginning with the solidarity committees that spread throughout EgyptEgypt
Egypt , officially the Arab Republic of Egypt, Arabic: , is a country mainly in North Africa, with the Sinai Peninsula forming a land bridge in Southwest Asia. Egypt is thus a transcontinental country, and a major power in Africa, the Mediterranean Basin, the Middle East and the Muslim world...
following the start of the Second Intifada in Palestine
Palestine
Palestine is a conventional name, among others, used to describe the geographic region between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River, and various adjoining lands....
in October 2000. The pro-Intifada demonstrations were particularly notable as they involved a new generation of previously non-politicised youth and, as a direct consequence, resulted in a revival of Egyptian street politics.
Following the US-led invasion of Iraq
Iraq
Iraq ; officially the Republic of Iraq is a country in Western Asia spanning most of the northwestern end of the Zagros mountain range, the eastern part of the Syrian Desert and the northern part of the Arabian Desert....
in March 2003, these protesters formed the backbone of Egypt’s highly vocal anti-war movement, and their protests in turn developed into the first public demonstrations against President Mubarak since he had taken office. The anti-war protest of 20 March 2003 – from which the anti-war movement 20 March derived its name – was one of the biggest spontaneous demonstrations in Egypt’s history.
The evolution of this protest movement into Kefaya occurred during the summer of 2004. Speculation, fuelled by state-controlled media, had been mounting that major changes in top-level political personnel were to be announced. The much-anticipated cabinet reshuffle in July resulted in only cosmetic changes, however, and saw the installation of a number of supporters of the President’s son, Gamal Mubarak
Gamal Mubarak
Gamal Al Din Mohammed Hosni Sayed Mubarak , , is the younger of the two sons of ousted Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and former First Lady Suzanne Mubarak...
, in important government posts.
Fearing a hereditary transfer of power similar to that which had occurred in Syria
Syria
Syria , officially the Syrian Arab Republic , is a country in Western Asia, bordering Lebanon and the Mediterranean Sea to the West, Turkey to the north, Iraq to the east, Jordan to the south, and Israel to the southwest....
, opposition activists and intellectuals were galvanised into action. In August, a petition was circulated which demanded fundamental constitutional and economic reforms, but most importantly direct presidential elections with competing candidates. The 300 signatories of what became Kefaya’s founding declaration called for “democracy and reform to take root in Egypt.” Then in October 2004, Tariq al-Bishri, one of Egypt’s most respected judges, presented what soon came to be regarded as the movement’s first manifesto
Manifesto
A manifesto is a public declaration of principles and intentions, often political in nature. Manifestos relating to religious belief are generally referred to as creeds. Manifestos may also be life stance-related.-Etymology:...
in which he exhorted his fellow citizens to “withdraw their long-abused consent to be governed” – in effect, a call for civil disobedience.
Kefaya’s first rally, held on 12 December, was an historic event, being the first occasion a protest had been organised solely to demand that the President step down. Surrounded by riot police, between 500 and 1000 activists gathered on the steps of the High Court in Cairo
Cairo
Cairo , is the capital of Egypt and the largest city in the Arab world and Africa, and the 16th largest metropolitan area in the world. Nicknamed "The City of a Thousand Minarets" for its preponderance of Islamic architecture, Cairo has long been a centre of the region's political and cultural life...
. They “remained mostly silent and taped over their mouths a large yellow sticker emblazoned with “Kefaya”.”
Support-base
Described as a “loose knit umbrella of diverse political trends,” Kefaya represents a “new style” of opposition in EgyptEgypt
Egypt , officially the Arab Republic of Egypt, Arabic: , is a country mainly in North Africa, with the Sinai Peninsula forming a land bridge in Southwest Asia. Egypt is thus a transcontinental country, and a major power in Africa, the Mediterranean Basin, the Middle East and the Muslim world...
, with parallels to Ukraine’s
Ukraine
Ukraine is a country in Eastern Europe. It has an area of 603,628 km², making it the second largest contiguous country on the European continent, after Russia...
Orange Revolution
Orange Revolution
The Orange Revolution was a series of protests and political events that took place in Ukraine from late November 2004 to January 2005, in the immediate aftermath of the run-off vote of the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election which was claimed to be marred by massive corruption, voter...
and Poland’s
Poland
Poland , officially the Republic of Poland , is a country in Central Europe bordered by Germany to the west; the Czech Republic and Slovakia to the south; Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania to the east; and the Baltic Sea and Kaliningrad Oblast, a Russian exclave, to the north...
Solidarity movement. It draws its support from a cosmopolitan range of sources including Nasserists
Nasserism
Nasserism is an Arab nationalist political ideology based on the thinking of the former Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. It was a major influence on pan-Arab politics in the 1950s and 1960s, and continues to have significant resonance throughout the Arab World to this day. It also...
, Islamists, Liberals, Marxists, Secularists etc., some of which have deep-rooted ideological differences, and have even clashed in the past. Activists frequently stress that it is not a political party aiming to achieve power, but a “national coalition movement” united by the common goal of seeking an end to President Mubarak’s rule.
Abdel-Halim Qandil, the editor of the Nasserist
Nasserism
Nasserism is an Arab nationalist political ideology based on the thinking of the former Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. It was a major influence on pan-Arab politics in the 1950s and 1960s, and continues to have significant resonance throughout the Arab World to this day. It also...
newspaper Al-Arabi who was spokesman for the movement until the beginning of 2007, emphasised that the use of the word “Kefaya” was designed to connect with the general public: “Our movement targets Egyptians
Egyptians
Egyptians are nation an ethnic group made up of Mediterranean North Africans, the indigenous people of Egypt.Egyptian identity is closely tied to geography. The population of Egypt is concentrated in the lower Nile Valley, the small strip of cultivable land stretching from the First Cataract to...
. We want them to put away their fears, and demand their political and economic rights.” Another member, Dr Mohamed Al-Saed Idris, an academic, called it “a national cry against the status quo.”
Key events
Kefaya came of age in 2005, a year which saw two events of great significance in Egyptian politics. The first was a referendumReferendum
A referendum is a direct vote in which an entire electorate is asked to either accept or reject a particular proposal. This may result in the adoption of a new constitution, a constitutional amendment, a law, the recall of an elected official or simply a specific government policy. It is a form of...
on 25 May to approve changes to the constitution that would allow the first ever direct, multi-candidate elections for the presidency. The second was the Presidential election itself, held on 7 September.
Constitutional amendments
Kefaya had continued its campaign for political reform since its December demonstration, attracting increasing attention from the government. A rally planned for 18 January was banned, while in the same month political scientist and leading activist Mohamed El-Sayed Said, was removed from a panel discussion at Cairo’sCairo
Cairo , is the capital of Egypt and the largest city in the Arab world and Africa, and the 16th largest metropolitan area in the world. Nicknamed "The City of a Thousand Minarets" for its preponderance of Islamic architecture, Cairo has long been a centre of the region's political and cultural life...
Book Fair.
Then on 26 February 2005, President Mubarak
Hosni Mubarak
Muhammad Hosni Sayyid Mubarak is a former Egyptian politician and military commander. He served as the fourth President of Egypt from 1981 to 2011....
caused consternation when he announced a proposal to amend Article 76 of the Constitution
Constitution
A constitution is a set of fundamental principles or established precedents according to which a state or other organization is governed. These rules together make up, i.e. constitute, what the entity is...
to enable multiple candidates to contest presidential elections directly for the first time. Under the old system, the election process was indirect: the candidate was nominated and confirmed by the People’s Assembly (Majlis al-Sha’b), controlled by the National Democratic Party
National Democratic Party (Egypt)
The National Democratic Party , often simply called Al-Ḥizb al-Waṭaniy – the "National Party", was an Egyptian political party. It was founded by President Anwar El Sadat in 1978....
(NDP), before being approved in a nation-wide “yes” or “no” referendum.
The immediate repercussion to this announcement was the decision by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
Condoleezza Rice
Condoleezza Rice is an American political scientist and diplomat. She served as the 66th United States Secretary of State, and was the second person to hold that office in the administration of President George W. Bush...
to cancel a proposed visit to the country in protest at the arrest and imprisonment of opposition politician Ayman Nour
Ayman Nour
Ayman Abd El Aziz Nour is an Egyptian politician, a former member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the El Ghad party.He was imprisoned in January 2005 by the government of President Hosni Mubarak. Nour was released on health grounds on February 18, 2009...
, leader of the al-Ghad (Tomorrow) Party. More generally, American President
President of the United States
The President of the United States of America is the head of state and head of government of the United States. The president leads the executive branch of the federal government and is the commander-in-chief of the United States Armed Forces....
George W. Bush
George W. Bush
George Walker Bush is an American politician who served as the 43rd President of the United States, from 2001 to 2009. Before that, he was the 46th Governor of Texas, having served from 1995 to 2000....
had been putting pressure on key regional allies, especially Egypt and Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia , commonly known in British English as Saudi Arabia and in Arabic as as-Sa‘ūdiyyah , is the largest state in Western Asia by land area, constituting the bulk of the Arabian Peninsula, and the second-largest in the Arab World...
, to introduce some form of electoral reform
Electoral reform
Electoral reform is change in electoral systems to improve how public desires are expressed in election results. That can include reforms of:...
as part of efforts to spread democracy – the so-called “forward strategy for freedom.” The Washington Post described President Mubarak’s plans as “an act of minimalism intended to deflect domestic and international pressure.” Kefaya immediately denounced the proposals as “theatrics” and a “fake reform” designed merely as a "reformulation of the dictatorship".
The timing of the President’s announcement was significant, coming only a few weeks after the close of the annual voter registration
Voter registration
Voter registration is the requirement in some democracies for citizens and residents to check in with some central registry specifically for the purpose of being allowed to vote in elections. An effort to get people to register is known as a voter registration drive.-Centralized/compulsory vs...
period (1 November to 31 January) specified under Article 5 of Egypt’s constitution. When the specifics of the constitutional amendment
Constitutional amendment
A constitutional amendment is a formal change to the text of the written constitution of a nation or state.Most constitutions require that amendments cannot be enacted unless they have passed a special procedure that is more stringent than that required of ordinary legislation...
were presented by law-makers, the opposition’s fears seemed justified. Under the new rules, each candidate would require the support of at least 250 elected officials from national or local bodies. As these were controlled by the NDP, it would be virtually impossible for signatures to be collected. In addition, political parties
Political Parties
Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy is a book by sociologist Robert Michels, published in 1911 , and first introducing the concept of iron law of oligarchy...
that wished to put their candidates on the ballot
Ballot
A ballot is a device used to record choices made by voters. Each voter uses one ballot, and ballots are not shared. In the simplest elections, a ballot may be a simple scrap of paper on which each voter writes in the name of a candidate, but governmental elections use pre-printed to protect the...
would need to have been licensed for a minimum of 5 years and have at least 5% of seats in the lower and upper house. This move seemed designed to place even greater pressure on established opposition parties, in particular the already-proscribed Muslim Brotherhood
Muslim Brotherhood
The Society of the Muslim Brothers is the world's oldest and one of the largest Islamist parties, and is the largest political opposition organization in many Arab states. It was founded in 1928 in Egypt by the Islamic scholar and schoolteacher Hassan al-Banna and by the late 1940s had an...
.
The opposition were scathing in their criticism of the NDP. Hussein Abderazzek of the left-wing Tagammu party declared: “The NDP will not only choose its own candidate but also his competitors,” while Kefaya accused the party of “aborting people’s hopes for freedom and democracy.”
The referendum campaign
The run-up to the referendum saw popular demands for reform “skyrocket.” Kefaya held regular protests, calling for the “cancellation of the state of emergency law and all special laws that restrict freedoms” (ilgha’halat al-tawari‘wa kafat al-qawanin al-istithna ’iyya al-muqayyada lil-hurriyat). In addition, they attacked the government for its record on social welfare, job creation and education. In April, simultaneous demonstrations were planned in 13 cities under a banner of “No Constitution Without Freedom”.Kefaya’s activities served as a catalyst for other opposition groups. Egypt’s largest opposition party, the Muslim Brotherhood
Muslim Brotherhood
The Society of the Muslim Brothers is the world's oldest and one of the largest Islamist parties, and is the largest political opposition organization in many Arab states. It was founded in 1928 in Egypt by the Islamic scholar and schoolteacher Hassan al-Banna and by the late 1940s had an...
, held its own demonstrations calling for political reform, while university professors held a silent protest on 19 April calling for an end to state control of campuses. The previous month Misr Digital, the country’s first independent digital newspaper, was launched quickly becoming the main source of information on Kefaya’s activities.
Egypt’s judiciary, regarded as having almost replaced the opposition in the past, put additional pressure on the government over the issue of the domestic monitoring of elections. At a meeting on 15 April of the Alexandria Judges Club, 1200 judges threatened to withdraw their supervision of presidential and parliamentary elections unless they were guaranteed independence and control of all stages of elections.
Throughout this period, while police and security forces continued to harass Kefaya and other opposition activists, there was no full-scale crackdown. In effect, a stand-off had developed: while the opposition was not strong enough to topple the government, the government was equally unable to stamp-out the opposition, at least partly in fear of the international outcry that would follow. Egyptians described the situation as “political congestion”.
25 May 2005
On 25 May, the day of the referendum, demonstrations organised by Kefaya in front of the Press Syndicate headquarters and Sa ‘d Zaghlul Shrine in CairoCairo
Cairo , is the capital of Egypt and the largest city in the Arab world and Africa, and the 16th largest metropolitan area in the world. Nicknamed "The City of a Thousand Minarets" for its preponderance of Islamic architecture, Cairo has long been a centre of the region's political and cultural life...
were attacked by Mubarak
Hosni Mubarak
Muhammad Hosni Sayyid Mubarak is a former Egyptian politician and military commander. He served as the fourth President of Egypt from 1981 to 2011....
supporters and plain-clothes policemen, whilst riot police looked on. A reporter gave an eyewitness account of what happened in front of the press building:
“The steps were full of Kefaya people and I was on the edge of the crowd. There was a cordon of security and riot policemen on the street. I saw a group of NDP people come down the streets – they had Mubarak posters – and there were at least 20 riot police walking with them, looking like they were protecting them. The police at the bottom of the steps opened the cordon to let the NDP gang through to the demonstrators. The next thing I knew a gang of about 20 or 30 NDP guys came at us from the left.”
Amongst the victims of the brutality were two women who were beaten and sexually molested. The opposition were unified in their condemnation and demanded the resignation of the Interior Minister
Interior minister
An interior ministry is a government ministry typically responsible for policing, national security, and immigration matters. The ministry is often headed by a minister of the interior or minister of home affairs...
, Habib al-‘Adli. In addition, Kefaya held protests every Wednesday for the rest of the summer.
Despite these incidents, there was no serious violence on voting day, which George Ishak, Kefaya’s co-ordinator at the time, attributed to international attention on Egypt: “There are 1,800 foreign correspondents watching the elections; do you think the regime would should show its hideous face to the world? They behaved the way they did because of the huge media presence.”
The referendum approved the proposed constitutional amendments, but Egyptian judges challenged a government turnout figure of 52%, saying it was closer to 5%.
The Presidential election
Despite the setback of the constitutional referendum, Kefaya sought to maintain the pressure on the government ahead of the presidential poll on 7 September. On 8 June, 2,000 people representing a cross-section of the Egyptian opposition took part in a candle-lit vigil in front of the mausoleumMausoleum
A mausoleum is an external free-standing building constructed as a monument enclosing the interment space or burial chamber of a deceased person or persons. A monument without the interment is a cenotaph. A mausoleum may be considered a type of tomb or the tomb may be considered to be within the...
of Saad Zaghoul, one of Egypt’s national heroes. It was described as “the most organised and impressive demonstration by the reform movement to date.”
Throughout the summer, inspired by Kefaya’s example, a series of opposition groups sprang up, all seeking to expand freedoms in specific areas of society. They included Journalists for Change, Doctors for Change, Workers for Change and Youth for Change, which had been founded on the eve of the referendum and became Kefaya’s unofficial youth arm.
However, the government was emboldened by its May success, and increased its pressure on Kefaya and the other opposition parties. At a rally held in Cairo on 30 July to protest against President Mubarak’s intention to seek a fifth term, 200 activists were attacked by uniformed and plain clothed police wielding truncheons. The decision to do this was described by Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch is an international non-governmental organization that conducts research and advocacy on human rights. Its headquarters are in New York City and it has offices in Berlin, Beirut, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo,...
as “not just to prevent a demonstration, but also to physically punish those daring to protest President Mubarak’s candidacy.” The tactics seemed to have an effect when Kefaya was forced to abandon its plan of inviting several prominent figures to run against the President when no names were forthcoming. Instead, it adopted a strategy of boycotting the elections. One of Kefaya’s founding members, Hany Anan, declared:
“We are showing Egyptians that we can challenge the ruler, we can tell him we don’t want you, that’s enough, you go, and we can do this in public and still go back to our homes, maybe with some wounds or some bruises, but we still go home.”
Although ten candidates stood for the presidency, the election results came as little surprise. President Mubarak won with 88.6% of the vote. However, of 32 million eligible voters, only seven million cast their ballot, meaning just six million had voted to re-elect the President for a further six years. Most of the defeated candidates challenged these results on the grounds of fraud
Fraud
In criminal law, a fraud is an intentional deception made for personal gain or to damage another individual; the related adjective is fraudulent. The specific legal definition varies by legal jurisdiction. Fraud is a crime, and also a civil law violation...
and other irregularities.
Following the elections, it was predicted in some quarters that Kefaya would disappear from the political scene. In response to this, a huge rally was organised in Cairo to coincide with the President’s swearing-in ceremony on 27 September which organisers claimed was attended by over 5000 people. They carried banners and chanted slogans attacking the President and his regime, including “6 millions voted yes, 70 millions say no.” The rally culminated in a mass oath by Kefaya members, promising to continue their opposition to the President and his plans to pass power to his son.
In the autumn, Kefaya joined a group of other opposition parties to form the National Front for Change to fight parliamentary elections that took place between November and December. The joint effort resulted in only 12 seats, however. While the NDP dominated Assembly with 388 seats, the big opposition winners were the Muslim Brotherhood
Muslim Brotherhood
The Society of the Muslim Brothers is the world's oldest and one of the largest Islamist parties, and is the largest political opposition organization in many Arab states. It was founded in 1928 in Egypt by the Islamic scholar and schoolteacher Hassan al-Banna and by the late 1940s had an...
whose candidates, running as independents because of the ban on the party, won 88 seats. Talking about the coalition’s disappointing showing, Kefaya spokesman Abdel-Halim Qandil said “it will take time and effort for the public to believe in its effectiveness.”
Criticism
Despite its importance in becoming a “model of dissent”, Kefaya has been criticised on a number of levels. It promised both mass “civil disobedienceCivil disobedience
Civil disobedience is the active, professed refusal to obey certain laws, demands, and commands of a government, or of an occupying international power. Civil disobedience is commonly, though not always, defined as being nonviolent resistance. It is one form of civil resistance...
” and a strong opposition network to press the regime, neither of which have materialised. Moreover, in the aftermath of the 2005 Presidential elections, the International Crisis Group
International Crisis Group
The International Crisis Group is an international, non-profit, non-governmental organization whose mission is to prevent and resolve deadly conflicts around the world through field-based analyses and high-level advocacy.-History:...
stated: “Kefaya has remained essentially a protest movement, targeting Mubarak personally and articulating a bitter rejection of the status quo
Status quo
Statu quo, a commonly used form of the original Latin "statu quo" – literally "the state in which" – is a Latin term meaning the current or existing state of affairs. To maintain the status quo is to keep the things the way they presently are...
rather than a constructive vision of how it might be transformed.”
It has also been criticised for failing to reach beyond “an exclusive, Cairo-based intellectual crowd,” offering a “lofty discourse on human rights and democracy” but no practical solutions to the problems Egyptians face on a daily basis, such as poverty, unemployment, poor access to education and public services, etc. Thus, according to Abdel Fattah, an academic at Cairo University
Cairo University
Cairo University is a public university located in Giza, Egypt.The university was founded on December 21, 1908, as the result of an effort to establish a national center for educational thought...
, Kefaya “are not effective among the masses and they will not reach the point where we see millions of Egyptians take to the streets…instead of slogans I want practical solutions to problems.” Unless they can broaden their base of support into key urban and rural areas, they may indeed remain “a group of intellectuals screaming and shouting in political forums and magazines....”
Future prospects
After the high-profile campaigns of 2005, Kefaya has found itself in the political doldrums. Its challenge became how to operate in what had apparently become a largely “apolitical society”. A culture of fearCulture of fear
Culture of fear is a term used by certain scholars, writers, journalists and politicians who believe that some in society incite fear in the general public to achieve political goals, for example......
remained among ordinary Egyptian people as a result of 53 years of bans on protests, along with crackdowns on and detentions of opposition activists. Mohammed El-Sayed Said described Kefaya’s problem thus: “Ordinary Egyptians want democracy but will not fight for it.”
Moreover, recently Kefaya has been described as suffering from an “identity crisis
Identity crisis (psychology)
"Identity crisis is the failure to achieve ego identity during adolescence." The term was coined by the psychologist Erik Erikson. The stage of psychosocial development in which identity crisis may occur is called the Identity Cohesion versus Role Confusion stage...
”. There have been disputes over tactics between the movement and Youth for Change, particularly over what have been termed the latter’s “vigilante
Vigilante
A vigilante is a private individual who legally or illegally punishes an alleged lawbreaker, or participates in a group which metes out extralegal punishment to an alleged lawbreaker....
street tactics.” Then, at the end of 2006, a more serious split occurred after an anonymous article was posted on Kefaya’s website apparently supporting an anti-veil stance advocated by Farouk Hosni, the Minister of Culture. Although the article was subsequently removed, seven key figures, all pro-Islamist, announced their intention to quit the movement. One, Magdi Ahmed Hussein, declared that Kefaya had “failed to find the middle ground between the Islamists and liberals…”
The movement’s co-ordinator since 2004, George Ishak, stepped down in January 2007 to be replaced by Abdel Wahhab Al-Messiri, a renowned anti-zionist scholar and former member of both the Egyptian Communist Party and Muslim Brotherhood
Muslim Brotherhood
The Society of the Muslim Brothers is the world's oldest and one of the largest Islamist parties, and is the largest political opposition organization in many Arab states. It was founded in 1928 in Egypt by the Islamic scholar and schoolteacher Hassan al-Banna and by the late 1940s had an...
. He faces the difficult task of renewing the movement following further constitutional changes approved by a referendum in March 2007. The changes, which make it even harder for political parties to operate and extend the state’s security powers, are described by Amnesty International
Amnesty International
Amnesty International is an international non-governmental organisation whose stated mission is "to conduct research and generate action to prevent and end grave abuses of human rights, and to demand justice for those whose rights have been violated."Following a publication of Peter Benenson's...
as the “greatest erosion of human rights” since the introduction of emergency powers in 1981.
Having successfully broken the taboo
Taboo
A taboo is a strong social prohibition relating to any area of human activity or social custom that is sacred and or forbidden based on moral judgment, religious beliefs and or scientific consensus. Breaking the taboo is usually considered objectionable or abhorrent by society...
on directly criticising and challenging the President, it remains to be seen whether unity within such a disparate movement can be maintained long enough for it to broaden its appeal beyond its urban roots and become a genuine popular movement.
At the time of the 2011 Egyptian protests the movement joined the protests that had been initiated by younger internet-savvy agitators via Facebook
Facebook
Facebook is a social networking service and website launched in February 2004, operated and privately owned by Facebook, Inc. , Facebook has more than 800 million active users. Users must register before using the site, after which they may create a personal profile, add other users as...
, and were described by international media interviewers as the 'opposition'.
See also
- Ayman NourAyman NourAyman Abd El Aziz Nour is an Egyptian politician, a former member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the El Ghad party.He was imprisoned in January 2005 by the government of President Hosni Mubarak. Nour was released on health grounds on February 18, 2009...
an Egyptian oppositionOpposition (politics)In politics, the opposition comprises one or more political parties or other organized groups that are opposed to the government , party or group in political control of a city, region, state or country...
leader, head of the Tomorrow PartyTomorrow PartyThe el-Ghad Party is an active political party in Egypt that was granted license in October 2004. El-Ghad is a centrist liberal secular political party pressing for widening the scope of political participation and for a peaceful rotation of power.... - Asmaa MahfouzAsmaa MahfouzAsmaa Mahfouz is an Egyptian activist and one of the founders of the April 6 Youth Movement. She has been credited by journalist Mona Eltahawy and others with helping to spark mass uprising through her video blog posted one week before the start of the 2011 Egyptian revolution...
- Saad Eddin Ibrahim
- Nonviolent resistanceNonviolent resistanceNonviolent resistance is the practice of achieving goals through symbolic protests, civil disobedience, economic or political noncooperation, and other methods, without using violence. It is largely synonymous with civil resistance...
- April 6 Youth MovementApril 6 Youth MovementThe April 6 Youth Movement is an Egyptian Facebook group started in Spring 2008 to support the workers in El-Mahalla El-Kubra, an industrial town, who were planning to strike on April 6....
- Wafd PartyWafd PartyThe Wafd Party was a nationalist liberal political party in Egypt. It was said to be Egypt's most popular and influential political party for a period in the 1920s and 30s...
- New Wafd PartyNew Wafd PartyThe New Wafd Party is a nationalist liberal party in Egypt.It is the extension of one of the oldest and historically most active political parties in Egypt, Wafd Party, which was dismantled after the 1952 Revolution. The New Wafd was re-established in 1983...
External links
- Kefaya Website
- Middle East Report Online
- Al-Ahram English Edition
- openDemocracy
- Cafebabel
- Daily Star
- International Crisis Group
- Human Rights Watch
- Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Editorial on 'kifaya' in the Washington Post
- Op-ed discussing 'kifaya' in the Washington Post
- Egypt's next vote: How different? from the Christian Science Monitor
- Baheyya Blogspot
- Al Ahram Article by Jailan Halawi about recent Kifaya demonstrations in Egypt.
- An unofficial "Kefaya, Kifaya" song and video on Youtube. Does not contain Explicit Content or Foul language. Related links might contain explicit content.