René Massigli
Encyclopedia
René Massigli was a French diplomat
who played a leading as a senior official at the Quai d'Orsay
, and was regarded as one of the leading French experts on Germany.
law professor, Massigli was born in Montpellier in the southern French department of Hérault
. He joined the French foreign service during the First World War. During World War I
, Massigli served in the Maisonde la Presse section of the Quai d'Orsay in Bern, Switzerland, where he analyzed German newspapers for the French government. In the spring of 1919, Massigli was sent on several unofficial missions to Berlin to contact German officials about the terms of the Treaty of Versailles
. In May 1919, Massagli had a series of secret meetings with various German officials in which he offered on behalf of his government to revise the peace terms of the upcoming Treaty of Versailles in Germany's favour in regards to territorial and economic clauses of the proposed treaty. Massigli suggested "practical, verbal discussions" between French and German officials in the hope of creating "collaboration franco-allemand". During his meetings, Massigli let the Germans know of the deep divisions between the "Big Three" at the Paris Peace Conference
, namely Woodrow Wilson
, David Lloyd George
and Georges Clemenceau
. Speaking on behalf of the French government, Massilgi informed the Germans that the French considered the "Anglo-Saxon powers", namely the United States and the British Empire
to be the real post-war threat to France, argued that both France and Germany had a common interest in opposing "Anglo-Saxon domination" of the world and warned that the "deepening of opposition" between the French and the Germans "would lead to the ruin of both countries, to the advantage of the Anglo-Saxon powers". The French overtures to the Germans was rejected by the latter because the Germans regarded the French offers to be a trap to trick them into accepting the Versailles treaty "as is" and because the German foreign minister, Count Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau
thought that the United States was more likely to soften the peace terms then France.
between 1920 and 1931 before becoming the head of the Quai d'Orsay's section dealing with the League of Nations
. Using a pseudonym, Massigli wrote an article in the L'Ere Nouvelle newspaper in March 1920, in which condemned "the revival of militarism" in Germany as represented by the Kapp Putsch
, predicated that the Reichswehr
would never accept democracy
, but claimed that there was a genuine desire for democracy among the German people. In another series of articles published in June 1920, Massigli articulated what he regarded as the central dilemma of France's German policy; namely to insist upon a too forceful enforcement of Versailles would undermine German moderates, but at the same time, enemies of democracy were strong in Germany, that German democracy might fail even if the treaty were revised and thus to loosen Versailles would make the task of any potential future anti-democratic government in Germany easier.
During his time at the Conference of Ambassadors, Massigli was closely involved in the disputes about Upper Silesia
, the Memelland
, the Vilnius/Wilno dispute
, the borders of Austria and Hungary, and the enforcement of Part V of the Treaty of Versailles (the section that dealt with disarmament). In the early 1920s, Massigli was known for his vigorous efforts to enforce Part V, and attempted to thwart German efforts to violate Part V. In Massigli's view, the French should be moderate in the enforcement of Versailles, but in return, the Germans must obey all of the articles of Versailles, above all Part V. As Massigli wrote: "The touchstone for Germany is the execution of the Treaty, or at least, since I am prepared to believe that certain of its clauses cannot be applied, to give evidence of goodwill in its execution. The starting point must be the disarmament of the Reichswehr". In September 1923, during the Ruhr crisis, Massigli was sent to the Rhineland
to report to Paris on the viability of the Rhenish separatist movement, and what support, if any France should offer the separatists. Massigli was very cool in his assessment of the Rhenish separatists, whom he described as badly organized and lacking in popular support, and advised against support for a Rhenish Republic
.
Starting in the mid-1920s, Massigli came to relax his views, and started to advocate reconciliation with Germany, through not at the expense of French security. In 1925, Massigli played a major role in the negotiations that led to the Treaty of Locarno. Through welcoming Gustav Stresemann
's initiative in renouncing claims upon Alsace-Lorraine
as a very important step for peace, in private Massigli was troubled by the refusal of the Germans to give similar guarantees for their neighbors in Eastern Europe
, especially Poland or to abide by the terms of Part V. A close friend and associate of Aristide Briand
, Massigli worked strongly in the late 1920s for Franco-German détente. However, Massigli never lost any of his concerns about the Reichswehr, and felt that Franco-German rapprochement should best take place within the broader framework of European integration and collective security. As Massigli later told the historian Georges-Henri Soutou "Briandism had the great merit of drawing a good number of European states towards the French viewpoint." In accordance with these views, Massigli played a major role in working behind the scenes in the talks that led to Germany joining the League of Nations
as a Council permanent member in 1926. For Massigli was open to revising Versaillies within Germany's favor, but only within the context of multilateral organizations like the League of Nations. In 1929–1930, Massigli worked closely with Briand in his project for creating a European "federation" that many have seen as a prototype for the European Union
.
scheduled to open in 1932. The increasing divergence between German demands for gleichberechtigung ("equality of armaments") (i.e. abolishing Part V) and the French demand for sécurité ("security") (i.e. maintaining Part V) together with the strains in Franco-German relations imposed by the abortive Austrian-German customs project of 1931 left Massigli increasing disillusioned with the Weimar Republic
. In 1931, Massigli advised the Premier Pierre Laval
before his summit with the German Chancellor Dr. Heinrich Brüning
that France should offer a bail-out for the collapsing German bank system only if the Germans were prepared to forgo the demand for gleichberechtigung at the upcoming World Disarmament Conference. Dr. Brüning refused the French conditions at his summit with Laval. Massigli was a prominent player at the World Disarmament Conference in Geneva
, and helped to write famous "Barthou note" of 17 April 1934 issued by the Foreign Minister Louis Barthou
that helped to terminate the conference. Massigli was especially opposed to the Premier, Édouard Herriot
's acceptance in December 1932 "in principle" of gleichberechtigung, predicating correctly that it would lead to opening the door for German rearmament.
In 1933, Massigli was appointed the Deputy Political Director at the French foreign ministry. During the 1930s, Massigli was a leading member of the so-called "Protestant clan", namely a group of Protestants who held high offices in the Quai d'Orsay. As a diplomat, Massigli was noted for his efficiency and his crisp, lucid writing style. In general, Massigli was identified with as an advocate of "firmness" in dealing with the new German government, and in note of 11 December 1933 argued that the main thrust of German policy would be to keep Franco-German relations in good state in exchange for French acceptance of German expansionism into Eastern Europe
before turning west for a final showdown with France. Unlike his superior, the Secretary-General of the Quai d'Orsay
, Alexis Saint-Legér Léger
, Massilgi was more open to enlisting Italy as an ally against Germany. During the crisis caused in March 1936 by German remilitarization
of the Rhineland
, Massigli urged that Paris use the crisis as a way of strengthening French ties with the United Kingdom and Belgium and the League of Nations. Massigli especially hoped to use the Rhineland crisis as a way of securing the British "continental commitment" (i.e. an unequivocal British commitment to defend France via an expeditionary force of the same size as the British Expeditionary Force of World War I). After meeting with the British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden
in London in March 1936, Massigli was angry with what he regarded as the feeble British response to the Rhineland remilitarization. Massigli regarded the vague British promise to come to France's aid in the event of a German attack coupled with staff talks of very limited scope as a most unsatisfactory substitute for the "continental commitment". On 17 March 1936, Massigli expressed his worries about the possible consequences of the Rhineland crisis when he complained to General Victor-Henri Schweisguth the concept of international co-operation was collapsing in the face of the German move into the Rhineland, that the League of Nations was losing all of its moral authority and that "if all this isn't repaired immediately, we stand on the verge of a complete change in policy and a return to continental alliances" At least in the respect that the there was least some hope of maintaining good Anglo-French relations led Massigli to see at least some silver lining in the Rhineland crisis. In 1937, he was promoted the Political Director of the Qui d'Orsay upon the recommendation of Saint-Legér Léger.
During the crisis in 1938 occasioned over Czechoslovakia
, Massigli was not in sympathy with his government's policy, and in private deplored the Munich Agreement
as a disaster to France. In September 1938, Massigli followed the Premier, Édouard Daladier
to Munich as part of the French delegation, and upon his return to Paris, witnessing the vast cheering crowds, he wrote in a letter "Poor people, I am overwhelmed with shame." After the Munich Agreement, Massigli wrote in memo that "Far from bringing Germany back to a policy of co-operation, the success of her method can only encourage her to persevere in it. The enormous sacrifice conceded by the Western powers will have no counterpart: once more we will be reduced to an act of faith in the peaceful evolution of the new Pangermanism." In August 1938, Massigli argued to the British Chargé de Affairs, Campbell what he saw as the significance of Czechoslovakia as way of blocking German expansion into Eastern Europe. However, Massigli felt given various economic and strategic concerns, that France could not go to war over Czechoslovakia without British support, and should that support not materialize, then it would be best for the French to explain the strategic state of affairs "frankly" to Prague. Massigli felt that in the event of a German attack, then France should not automatically declare war as the Franco-Czechoslovak alliance of 1924 required, but instead Paris should present the hypothetical German-Czechoslovak war to the League of Nations Council, and then wait until the Council decided if the war was a case of aggression or not. Massigli saw the Czechoslovak crisis as a way of strengthening Anglo-French ties and on 17 September 1938, Massigli wrote a memorandum in which stated:
Relations between Massigli and his superior in 1938, Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet
were very poor and his memoirs, Bonnet lambasted Massigli quite severely. For his part, Massigli accused Bonnet of seeking to alter the documentary record in his favor. On 19 October 1938, Massigli was sacked as Political Director by Bonnet who exiled him to Turkey
as Ambassador. An Anglophile
, Massigli's removal meant a weakening of those officials in the Quai d'Orsay who favored closer ties to Britain.
During his time in Ankara
, Massigli played an important role in ensuring that the Hatay dispute was resolved in Turkey's favor. Massagli felt that the best way of ensuring a pro-Western tilt in Turkey was to accede to the Turkish demands for the sanjak of Alexandretta (modern İskenderun
). During his talks with the Turkish foreign minister, Şükrü Saracoğlu
, Massigli was hindered by the continual poor state of his relations with Bonnet. In addition, Massigli faced much opposition from Arab nationalists and the French High Commission in Syria
, who were both opposed to ceding the sanjak
of Alexandretta. When the talks over Hatay
began in February 1939, Massagli went for weeks without negotiating instructions by Bonnet, and thus was only able to complete the Hatay negotiations on 23 June 1939. Though Massigli was appalled by the Turkish chantage (blackmail) of concentrating troops on the Turkish-Syrian frontier and sending raiders over the border as a way of pressuring the French into handing over Alexandretta, he felt that it was better to turn over Alexandretta as a way of winning Turkey over, and allowing France to focus on opposing Germany.
Massigli argued to his superiors in Paris that it was Germany, not Turkey that was the major danger to France, and having a large number of French troops in Syria to guard against a Turkish attack was simply an unneeded distraction. Moreover, Massigli maintained that if France did not return Alexandretta and a Franco-German war broke out, than Turkey would probably invade Syria to take back Alexandretta. But Massigli continued if France did return Alexandretta, than Turkey would at very least maintain an pro-Allied neutrality and in a best case scenario fight on the Allied side. During his talks with the Turks, Massigli was often attacked by Les Syriens, an influential Roman Catholic lobbying group who believed strongly in France's mission civilisatrice (civilizing mission) in the Middle East, and were stoutly opposed to giving up Alexandretta as a betrayal of France's mission civilisatrice. Most of the Les Syriens were Anglophobes, who saw Britain rather than Germany as the main enemy of France. Massigli for his part held the Les Syriens in contempt, arguing that France could not be distracted by adventures in the Middle East with Germany on the march. In March 1939, Massigli visited the headquarters of the French High Commission in Beirut, and bluntly stated that Turkey was not as the High Commission were claiming seeking to annex all of Syria, and were only seeking Alexandretta. Massigli was able during his talks with the Turks to persuade his hosts to stop sending irregulars over the Turkish-Syrian frontier to attack French troops. During his negotiations with Saracoğlu, the Turks suggested a ten-year alliance of Turkey, Britain and France in exchange for the French handing over Alexandretta. When the Turkish offer became public, it provoked a major outcry from the Les Syriens.
On 24 March 1939, Saracoğlu told Massigli that Britain and France should do more to oppose German influence in the Balkans, which was followed on 29 March by an offer of a Franco-Turkish alliance which would into effect provided the British also joined. In April 1939, the deputy Soviet Foreign Commissar Vladimir Potemkin during a visit to Turkey told Massigli that the aim of Soviet foreign policy was to bring into line a "peace front" to oppose German expansionism comprising Britain, France, the Soviet Union and Turkey. In 1939, Massigli was heavily preoccupied with competition with the German Ambassador Franz von Papen
in an effort to secure Turkish adherence to the Allied side in the event of war breaking out. As part of the effort to increase French influence on the Turkish government, Massigli arranged for the visit of General Maxime Weygand
to Turkey in early May 1939, which was made into a state event. During Weygand's visit, the Turkish President İsmet İnönü
told the French that he believed that the best way of stopping Germany was an alliance of Turkey, the Soviet Union, France and Britain; that if such an alliance came into being, the Turks would allow Soviet ground and air forces onto their soil; and that he wanted a major programme of French military aid to modernize the Turkish armed forces. Massigli was most disappointed when the British sent a mere Brigadier instead of an Admiral to offer military aid to the Turks, remarking sorely that "The Turks respect the Royal Navy; they no longer believe in the British Army." In July 1939 Massigli argued that if the British and French were able to offer a stabilization fund for the Turkish pound, it would undercut German economic influence in Turkey and tie Turkey to the West. Later in July 1939, Massigli was able to play a major part in arranging for French arms shipments to Turkey and later in August to have an Anglo-French stabilization fund created to help with Turkey's economic problems. The signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact on 23 August 1939 undid much of Massigli's effects as the Turks always believed that it was essential to have the Soviet Union as an ally to counter Germany, and the signing of the German-Soviet pact undercut completely the assumptions behind Turkish security policy. Through Massigli was often hampered by his poor relations with Bonnet, the efforts of the Les Syriens, and the stingily attitude of the French Treasury towards supporting Turkey, the British historian D.C. Watt argued that Massigli was an outstanding able ambassador who did much to successfully advance French interests in Turkey in 1939.
in Ankara, La Turquie devant la Guerre, his triumph proved to be an ephemeral one as the Turks chose to interpret Clause Two of the Anglo-French-Turkish alliance in such way as justifying remaining neutral. However, Massigli contended that while he failed to bring Turkey into the war on the Allied state, he at least foiled von Papen's efforts to bring Turkey into the war on the Axis side.
In August 1940, Massigli was removed by the Vichy government
as Ambassador to Turkey. After his firing, Massigli returned to France and was in contact with several Resistance
leaders in the Lyon
area, most notably Jean Moulin
. In January 1943, Massigli escaped to London and served as Charles de Gaulle
's Commissioner for Foreign Affairs (in effect the Free French foreign minister) in 1943–1944. In 1943, Massigli opposed the visit of the Prime Minister of Iraq
, Nuri as-Said Pasha
to Algeria
after a summit with the Prime Minister of Egypt
, Mustafa el-Nahhas Pasha, on the grounds that such visit would encourage Arab nationalist sentiment in French North Africa, would give the impression that France was aligning itself with one fraction centered around as-Said Pasha and might weaken the electoral chances of pro-French Lebanese nationalists in the upcoming Lebanese elections. In January 1944, at the conference called by General de Gaulle to consider the post-war fate of the French African colonies in Brazzaville
in the French Congo
, Massigli strongly urged that representatives from the protectorates of Tunis and Morocco
and the government of Algeria not be allowed to attend the conference. Massigli's advice was not ignored.
In the spring of 1944, Massigli on the behalf of General de Gaulle presented an offer to British Prime Minister Winston Churchill
and Foreign Secretary Sir Anthony Eden
for a "Third Force" in the post-war world standing between the Soviet Union
and the United States that was to comprise the United Kingdom, France and Belgium, who to integrate their defense and economic policies and jointly control the western half of Germany. The British were not initially interested in the proposal, while de Gaulle was always cool to the idea of British involvement in the "Third Force" concept, and had only agreed to British participation to allay Belgian concerns about post-war French domination. Moreover, de Gaulle had imposed as a precondition for British participation that London should support France annexing the Ruhr
and Rhineland
regions of Germany after the war, a demand the British rejected.
In 1944, de Gaulle decided that the Anglophile Massigli was too pro-British for his liking and demoted him to Ambassador to London. From August 1944 until June 1954, Massigli was the French Ambassador to the Court of St. James's
. In August 1944, Massigli lobbied Winston Churchill
for allowing a greater French role in the war in the Far East as the best way of ensuring that French Indochina
stay French after World War II
had ended. In November 1944, when Churchill visited Paris, he presented to de Gaulle his offer for an Anglo-French pact, which Massigli urged the General to accept, but which de Gaulle refused. During his time in Britain, Massigli was very much involved in the debates about the Cold War
and European integration. Massigli was strongly opposed to the vision of European federation of Jean Monnet
. Instead he urged the creation of an Anglo-French bloc which would serve as the basis for a federation of Europe. In 1954–1956, Massigli served as the Secretary-General of the Quai d'Orsay
. As Secretary-General, Massigli played a major role behind the scenes in resolving the 1954 crisis in trans-Atlantic relations caused by the rejection by the French National Assembly of the European Defence Community
treaty. In 1956, Massigil retired. His memoirs, Une Comédie des Erreurs, were published in 1978. He died in Paris on 3 February 1988 a month short of his 100th birthday.
Diplomacy
Diplomacy is the art and practice of conducting negotiations between representatives of groups or states...
who played a leading as a senior official at the Quai d'Orsay
Minister of Foreign Affairs (France)
Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs ), is France's foreign affairs ministry, with the headquarters located on the Quai d'Orsay in Paris close to the National Assembly of France. The Minister of Foreign and European Affairs in the government of France is the cabinet minister responsible for...
, and was regarded as one of the leading French experts on Germany.
Early career
The son of a ProtestantProtestantism
Protestantism is one of the three major groupings within Christianity. It is a movement that began in Germany in the early 16th century as a reaction against medieval Roman Catholic doctrines and practices, especially in regards to salvation, justification, and ecclesiology.The doctrines of the...
law professor, Massigli was born in Montpellier in the southern French department of Hérault
Hérault
Hérault is a department in the south of France named after the Hérault river.-History:Hérault is one of the original 83 departments created during the French Revolution on 4 March 1790...
. He joined the French foreign service during the First World War. During World War I
World War I
World War I , which was predominantly called the World War or the Great War from its occurrence until 1939, and the First World War or World War I thereafter, was a major war centred in Europe that began on 28 July 1914 and lasted until 11 November 1918...
, Massigli served in the Maisonde la Presse section of the Quai d'Orsay in Bern, Switzerland, where he analyzed German newspapers for the French government. In the spring of 1919, Massigli was sent on several unofficial missions to Berlin to contact German officials about the terms of the Treaty of Versailles
Treaty of Versailles
The Treaty of Versailles was one of the peace treaties at the end of World War I. It ended the state of war between Germany and the Allied Powers. It was signed on 28 June 1919, exactly five years after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. The other Central Powers on the German side of...
. In May 1919, Massagli had a series of secret meetings with various German officials in which he offered on behalf of his government to revise the peace terms of the upcoming Treaty of Versailles in Germany's favour in regards to territorial and economic clauses of the proposed treaty. Massigli suggested "practical, verbal discussions" between French and German officials in the hope of creating "collaboration franco-allemand". During his meetings, Massigli let the Germans know of the deep divisions between the "Big Three" at the Paris Peace Conference
Paris Peace Conference, 1919
The Paris Peace Conference was the meeting of the Allied victors following the end of World War I to set the peace terms for the defeated Central Powers following the armistices of 1918. It took place in Paris in 1919 and involved diplomats from more than 32 countries and nationalities...
, namely Woodrow Wilson
Woodrow Wilson
Thomas Woodrow Wilson was the 28th President of the United States, from 1913 to 1921. A leader of the Progressive Movement, he served as President of Princeton University from 1902 to 1910, and then as the Governor of New Jersey from 1911 to 1913...
, David Lloyd George
David Lloyd George
David Lloyd George, 1st Earl Lloyd-George of Dwyfor OM, PC was a British Liberal politician and statesman...
and Georges Clemenceau
Georges Clemenceau
Georges Benjamin Clemenceau was a French statesman, physician and journalist. He served as the Prime Minister of France from 1906 to 1909, and again from 1917 to 1920. For nearly the final year of World War I he led France, and was one of the major voices behind the Treaty of Versailles at the...
. Speaking on behalf of the French government, Massilgi informed the Germans that the French considered the "Anglo-Saxon powers", namely the United States and the British Empire
British Empire
The British Empire comprised the dominions, colonies, protectorates, mandates and other territories ruled or administered by the United Kingdom. It originated with the overseas colonies and trading posts established by England in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. At its height, it was the...
to be the real post-war threat to France, argued that both France and Germany had a common interest in opposing "Anglo-Saxon domination" of the world and warned that the "deepening of opposition" between the French and the Germans "would lead to the ruin of both countries, to the advantage of the Anglo-Saxon powers". The French overtures to the Germans was rejected by the latter because the Germans regarded the French offers to be a trap to trick them into accepting the Versailles treaty "as is" and because the German foreign minister, Count Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau
Ulrich Graf von Brockdorff-Rantzau
Ulrich Graf von Brockdorff-Rantzau was a German diplomat, the first Foreign Minister of the Weimar Republic and German Ambassador to the USSR for most of the twenties.-Early career:...
thought that the United States was more likely to soften the peace terms then France.
The 1920s
Massigli served as the secretary-general for the Conference of AmbassadorsConference of Ambassadors
The Conference of Ambassadors of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers was an inter-allied organization of the Entente in the period following the end of World War I. Formed in Paris in January 1920 it became a successor of the Supreme War Council and was later on de facto incorporated into...
between 1920 and 1931 before becoming the head of the Quai d'Orsay's section dealing with the League of Nations
League of Nations
The League of Nations was an intergovernmental organization founded as a result of the Paris Peace Conference that ended the First World War. It was the first permanent international organization whose principal mission was to maintain world peace...
. Using a pseudonym, Massigli wrote an article in the L'Ere Nouvelle newspaper in March 1920, in which condemned "the revival of militarism" in Germany as represented by the Kapp Putsch
Kapp Putsch
The Kapp Putsch — or more accurately the Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch — was a 1920 coup attempt during the German Revolution of 1918–1919 aimed at overthrowing the Weimar Republic...
, predicated that the Reichswehr
Reichswehr
The Reichswehr formed the military organisation of Germany from 1919 until 1935, when it was renamed the Wehrmacht ....
would never accept democracy
Democracy
Democracy is generally defined as a form of government in which all adult citizens have an equal say in the decisions that affect their lives. Ideally, this includes equal participation in the proposal, development and passage of legislation into law...
, but claimed that there was a genuine desire for democracy among the German people. In another series of articles published in June 1920, Massigli articulated what he regarded as the central dilemma of France's German policy; namely to insist upon a too forceful enforcement of Versailles would undermine German moderates, but at the same time, enemies of democracy were strong in Germany, that German democracy might fail even if the treaty were revised and thus to loosen Versailles would make the task of any potential future anti-democratic government in Germany easier.
During his time at the Conference of Ambassadors, Massigli was closely involved in the disputes about Upper Silesia
Silesian Uprisings
The Silesian Uprisings were a series of three armed uprisings of the Poles and Polish Silesians of Upper Silesia, from 1919–1921, against German rule; the resistance hoped to break away from Germany in order to join the Second Polish Republic, which had been established in the wake of World War I...
, the Memelland
Klaipeda Revolt
The Klaipėda Revolt took place in January 1923 in the Klaipėda Region . The region, located north of the Neman River, was detached from the East Prussia of the German Empire by the Treaty of Versailles and became a mandate of the League of Nations. It was placed under provisional French...
, the Vilnius/Wilno dispute
Polish-Lithuanian War
The Polish–Lithuanian War was an armed conflict between newly independent Lithuania and Poland in the aftermath of World War I. The conflict primarily concerned territorial control of the Vilnius Region, including Vilnius , and the Suwałki Region, including the towns of Suwałki, Augustów, and Sejny...
, the borders of Austria and Hungary, and the enforcement of Part V of the Treaty of Versailles (the section that dealt with disarmament). In the early 1920s, Massigli was known for his vigorous efforts to enforce Part V, and attempted to thwart German efforts to violate Part V. In Massigli's view, the French should be moderate in the enforcement of Versailles, but in return, the Germans must obey all of the articles of Versailles, above all Part V. As Massigli wrote: "The touchstone for Germany is the execution of the Treaty, or at least, since I am prepared to believe that certain of its clauses cannot be applied, to give evidence of goodwill in its execution. The starting point must be the disarmament of the Reichswehr". In September 1923, during the Ruhr crisis, Massigli was sent to the Rhineland
Rhineland
Historically, the Rhinelands refers to a loosely-defined region embracing the land on either bank of the River Rhine in central Europe....
to report to Paris on the viability of the Rhenish separatist movement, and what support, if any France should offer the separatists. Massigli was very cool in his assessment of the Rhenish separatists, whom he described as badly organized and lacking in popular support, and advised against support for a Rhenish Republic
Rhenish Republic
The Rhenish Republic was proclaimed at Aachen in October 1923 during the Occupation of the Ruhr by troops from France and Belgium between January 1923 and 1925...
.
Starting in the mid-1920s, Massigli came to relax his views, and started to advocate reconciliation with Germany, through not at the expense of French security. In 1925, Massigli played a major role in the negotiations that led to the Treaty of Locarno. Through welcoming Gustav Stresemann
Gustav Stresemann
was a German politician and statesman who served as Chancellor and Foreign Minister during the Weimar Republic. He was co-laureate of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1926.Stresemann's politics defy easy categorization...
's initiative in renouncing claims upon Alsace-Lorraine
Alsace-Lorraine
The Imperial Territory of Alsace-Lorraine was a territory created by the German Empire in 1871 after it annexed most of Alsace and the Moselle region of Lorraine following its victory in the Franco-Prussian War. The Alsatian part lay in the Rhine Valley on the west bank of the Rhine River and east...
as a very important step for peace, in private Massigli was troubled by the refusal of the Germans to give similar guarantees for their neighbors in Eastern Europe
Eastern Europe
Eastern Europe is the eastern part of Europe. The term has widely disparate geopolitical, geographical, cultural and socioeconomic readings, which makes it highly context-dependent and even volatile, and there are "almost as many definitions of Eastern Europe as there are scholars of the region"...
, especially Poland or to abide by the terms of Part V. A close friend and associate of Aristide Briand
Aristide Briand
Aristide Briand was a French statesman who served eleven terms as Prime Minister of France during the French Third Republic and received the 1926 Nobel Peace Prize.- Early life :...
, Massigli worked strongly in the late 1920s for Franco-German détente. However, Massigli never lost any of his concerns about the Reichswehr, and felt that Franco-German rapprochement should best take place within the broader framework of European integration and collective security. As Massigli later told the historian Georges-Henri Soutou "Briandism had the great merit of drawing a good number of European states towards the French viewpoint." In accordance with these views, Massigli played a major role in working behind the scenes in the talks that led to Germany joining the League of Nations
League of Nations
The League of Nations was an intergovernmental organization founded as a result of the Paris Peace Conference that ended the First World War. It was the first permanent international organization whose principal mission was to maintain world peace...
as a Council permanent member in 1926. For Massigli was open to revising Versaillies within Germany's favor, but only within the context of multilateral organizations like the League of Nations. In 1929–1930, Massigli worked closely with Briand in his project for creating a European "federation" that many have seen as a prototype for the European Union
European Union
The European Union is an economic and political union of 27 independent member states which are located primarily in Europe. The EU traces its origins from the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Economic Community , formed by six countries in 1958...
.
The 1930s
From 1930 on, Massigli was intimately involved in the preparatory work for the World Disarmament ConferenceWorld Disarmament Conference
The Conference for the Reduction and Limitation of Armaments of 1932-34 was an effort by member states of the League of Nations, together with the U.S. and the Soviet Union, to actualize the ideology of disarmament...
scheduled to open in 1932. The increasing divergence between German demands for gleichberechtigung ("equality of armaments") (i.e. abolishing Part V) and the French demand for sécurité ("security") (i.e. maintaining Part V) together with the strains in Franco-German relations imposed by the abortive Austrian-German customs project of 1931 left Massigli increasing disillusioned with the Weimar Republic
Weimar Republic
The Weimar Republic is the name given by historians to the parliamentary republic established in 1919 in Germany to replace the imperial form of government...
. In 1931, Massigli advised the Premier Pierre Laval
Pierre Laval
Pierre Laval was a French politician. He was four times President of the council of ministers of the Third Republic, twice consecutively. Following France's Armistice with Germany in 1940, he served twice in the Vichy Regime as head of government, signing orders permitting the deportation of...
before his summit with the German Chancellor Dr. Heinrich Brüning
Heinrich Brüning
Heinrich Brüning was Chancellor of Germany from 1930 to 1932, during the Weimar Republic. He was the longest serving Chancellor of the Weimar Republic, and remains a controversial figure in German politics....
that France should offer a bail-out for the collapsing German bank system only if the Germans were prepared to forgo the demand for gleichberechtigung at the upcoming World Disarmament Conference. Dr. Brüning refused the French conditions at his summit with Laval. Massigli was a prominent player at the World Disarmament Conference in Geneva
Geneva
Geneva In the national languages of Switzerland the city is known as Genf , Ginevra and Genevra is the second-most-populous city in Switzerland and is the most populous city of Romandie, the French-speaking part of Switzerland...
, and helped to write famous "Barthou note" of 17 April 1934 issued by the Foreign Minister Louis Barthou
Louis Barthou
Jean Louis Barthou was a French politician of the Third Republic.-Early years:He was born in Oloron-Sainte-Marie, Pyrénées-Atlantiques, and served as Deputy from that constituency. He was an authority on trade union history and law. Barthou was Prime Minister in 1913, and held ministerial office...
that helped to terminate the conference. Massigli was especially opposed to the Premier, Édouard Herriot
Édouard Herriot
Édouard Marie Herriot was a French Radical politician of the Third Republic who served three times as Prime Minister and for many years as President of the Chamber of Deputies....
's acceptance in December 1932 "in principle" of gleichberechtigung, predicating correctly that it would lead to opening the door for German rearmament.
In 1933, Massigli was appointed the Deputy Political Director at the French foreign ministry. During the 1930s, Massigli was a leading member of the so-called "Protestant clan", namely a group of Protestants who held high offices in the Quai d'Orsay. As a diplomat, Massigli was noted for his efficiency and his crisp, lucid writing style. In general, Massigli was identified with as an advocate of "firmness" in dealing with the new German government, and in note of 11 December 1933 argued that the main thrust of German policy would be to keep Franco-German relations in good state in exchange for French acceptance of German expansionism into Eastern Europe
Eastern Europe
Eastern Europe is the eastern part of Europe. The term has widely disparate geopolitical, geographical, cultural and socioeconomic readings, which makes it highly context-dependent and even volatile, and there are "almost as many definitions of Eastern Europe as there are scholars of the region"...
before turning west for a final showdown with France. Unlike his superior, the Secretary-General of the Quai d'Orsay
Quai d'Orsay
The Quai d'Orsay is a quai in the VIIe arrondissement of Paris, part of the left bank of the Seine, and the name of the street along it. The Quai becomes the Quai Anatole France east of the Palais Bourbon, and the Quai de Branly west of the Pont de l'Alma.The French Ministry of Foreign Affairs is...
, Alexis Saint-Legér Léger
Saint-John Perse
Saint-John Perse was a French poet, awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1960 "for the soaring flight and evocative imagery of his poetry." He was also a major French diplomat from 1914 to 1940, after which he lived primarily in the USA until 1967.-Biography:Alexis Leger was...
, Massilgi was more open to enlisting Italy as an ally against Germany. During the crisis caused in March 1936 by German remilitarization
Remilitarization of the Rhineland
The Remilitarization of the Rhineland by the German Army took place on 7 March 1936 when German military forces entered the Rhineland. This was significant because it violated the terms of the Locarno Treaties and was the first time since the end of World War I that German troops had been in this...
of the Rhineland
Rhineland
Historically, the Rhinelands refers to a loosely-defined region embracing the land on either bank of the River Rhine in central Europe....
, Massigli urged that Paris use the crisis as a way of strengthening French ties with the United Kingdom and Belgium and the League of Nations. Massigli especially hoped to use the Rhineland crisis as a way of securing the British "continental commitment" (i.e. an unequivocal British commitment to defend France via an expeditionary force of the same size as the British Expeditionary Force of World War I). After meeting with the British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden
Anthony Eden
Robert Anthony Eden, 1st Earl of Avon, KG, MC, PC was a British Conservative politician, who was Prime Minister from 1955 to 1957...
in London in March 1936, Massigli was angry with what he regarded as the feeble British response to the Rhineland remilitarization. Massigli regarded the vague British promise to come to France's aid in the event of a German attack coupled with staff talks of very limited scope as a most unsatisfactory substitute for the "continental commitment". On 17 March 1936, Massigli expressed his worries about the possible consequences of the Rhineland crisis when he complained to General Victor-Henri Schweisguth the concept of international co-operation was collapsing in the face of the German move into the Rhineland, that the League of Nations was losing all of its moral authority and that "if all this isn't repaired immediately, we stand on the verge of a complete change in policy and a return to continental alliances" At least in the respect that the there was least some hope of maintaining good Anglo-French relations led Massigli to see at least some silver lining in the Rhineland crisis. In 1937, he was promoted the Political Director of the Qui d'Orsay upon the recommendation of Saint-Legér Léger.
During the crisis in 1938 occasioned over Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovakia or Czecho-Slovakia was a sovereign state in Central Europe which existed from October 1918, when it declared its independence from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, until 1992...
, Massigli was not in sympathy with his government's policy, and in private deplored the Munich Agreement
Munich Agreement
The Munich Pact was an agreement permitting the Nazi German annexation of Czechoslovakia's Sudetenland. The Sudetenland were areas along Czech borders, mainly inhabited by ethnic Germans. The agreement was negotiated at a conference held in Munich, Germany, among the major powers of Europe without...
as a disaster to France. In September 1938, Massigli followed the Premier, Édouard Daladier
Édouard Daladier
Édouard Daladier was a French Radical politician and the Prime Minister of France at the start of the Second World War.-Career:Daladier was born in Carpentras, Vaucluse. Later, he would become known to many as "the bull of Vaucluse" because of his thick neck and large shoulders and determined...
to Munich as part of the French delegation, and upon his return to Paris, witnessing the vast cheering crowds, he wrote in a letter "Poor people, I am overwhelmed with shame." After the Munich Agreement, Massigli wrote in memo that "Far from bringing Germany back to a policy of co-operation, the success of her method can only encourage her to persevere in it. The enormous sacrifice conceded by the Western powers will have no counterpart: once more we will be reduced to an act of faith in the peaceful evolution of the new Pangermanism." In August 1938, Massigli argued to the British Chargé de Affairs, Campbell what he saw as the significance of Czechoslovakia as way of blocking German expansion into Eastern Europe. However, Massigli felt given various economic and strategic concerns, that France could not go to war over Czechoslovakia without British support, and should that support not materialize, then it would be best for the French to explain the strategic state of affairs "frankly" to Prague. Massigli felt that in the event of a German attack, then France should not automatically declare war as the Franco-Czechoslovak alliance of 1924 required, but instead Paris should present the hypothetical German-Czechoslovak war to the League of Nations Council, and then wait until the Council decided if the war was a case of aggression or not. Massigli saw the Czechoslovak crisis as a way of strengthening Anglo-French ties and on 17 September 1938, Massigli wrote a memorandum in which stated:
"If the British Government pushes us along the path of surrender, it must consider the resulting weakness of French security, which on numerous occasions, has been declared inseparable from British security. To what extent might a reinforcement of the ties of Franco-British collaboration compensate for this weakening in the common interests of the two countries? This is a matter to which the attention of the British leaders should be drawn."
Relations between Massigli and his superior in 1938, Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet
Georges Bonnet
Not to be confused with the French Socialist Georges MonnetGeorges-Étienne Bonnet was a French politician and leading figure in the Radical-Socialist Party.- Early career :...
were very poor and his memoirs, Bonnet lambasted Massigli quite severely. For his part, Massigli accused Bonnet of seeking to alter the documentary record in his favor. On 19 October 1938, Massigli was sacked as Political Director by Bonnet who exiled him to Turkey
Turkey
Turkey , known officially as the Republic of Turkey , is a Eurasian country located in Western Asia and in East Thrace in Southeastern Europe...
as Ambassador. An Anglophile
Anglophilia
An Anglophile is a person who is fond of English culture or, more broadly, British culture. Its antonym is Anglophobe.-Definition:The word comes from Latin Anglus "English" via French, and is ultimately derived from Old English Englisc "English" + Ancient Greek φίλος - philos, "friend"...
, Massigli's removal meant a weakening of those officials in the Quai d'Orsay who favored closer ties to Britain.
During his time in Ankara
Ankara
Ankara is the capital of Turkey and the country's second largest city after Istanbul. The city has a mean elevation of , and as of 2010 the metropolitan area in the entire Ankara Province had a population of 4.4 million....
, Massigli played an important role in ensuring that the Hatay dispute was resolved in Turkey's favor. Massagli felt that the best way of ensuring a pro-Western tilt in Turkey was to accede to the Turkish demands for the sanjak of Alexandretta (modern İskenderun
Iskenderun
İskenderun is a city and urban district in the province of Hatay on the Mediterranean coast of Turkey. The current mayor is Yusuf Hamit Civelek .-Names:...
). During his talks with the Turkish foreign minister, Şükrü Saracoğlu
Sükrü Saracoglu
Mehmet Şükrü Saracoğlu was a Turkish politician and the sixth Prime Minister of Republic of Turkey. He was also the chairman of Fenerbahçe S.K. for 16 years between 1934-1950, including his time as prime minister as well.-Biography:...
, Massigli was hindered by the continual poor state of his relations with Bonnet. In addition, Massigli faced much opposition from Arab nationalists and the French High Commission in Syria
Syria
Syria , officially the Syrian Arab Republic , is a country in Western Asia, bordering Lebanon and the Mediterranean Sea to the West, Turkey to the north, Iraq to the east, Jordan to the south, and Israel to the southwest....
, who were both opposed to ceding the sanjak
Sanjak
Sanjaks were administrative divisions of the Ottoman Empire. Sanjak, and the variant spellings sandjak, sanjaq, and sinjaq, are English transliterations of the Turkish word sancak, meaning district, banner, or flag...
of Alexandretta. When the talks over Hatay
Republic of Hatay
Hatay State , also known informally as the Republic of Hatay, was a transitional political entity that formally existed from September 7, 1938 to June 29, 1939 in the territory of the Sanjak of Alexandretta of the French Mandate of Syria. The State was transformed de jure into the Hatay Province on...
began in February 1939, Massagli went for weeks without negotiating instructions by Bonnet, and thus was only able to complete the Hatay negotiations on 23 June 1939. Though Massigli was appalled by the Turkish chantage (blackmail) of concentrating troops on the Turkish-Syrian frontier and sending raiders over the border as a way of pressuring the French into handing over Alexandretta, he felt that it was better to turn over Alexandretta as a way of winning Turkey over, and allowing France to focus on opposing Germany.
Massigli argued to his superiors in Paris that it was Germany, not Turkey that was the major danger to France, and having a large number of French troops in Syria to guard against a Turkish attack was simply an unneeded distraction. Moreover, Massigli maintained that if France did not return Alexandretta and a Franco-German war broke out, than Turkey would probably invade Syria to take back Alexandretta. But Massigli continued if France did return Alexandretta, than Turkey would at very least maintain an pro-Allied neutrality and in a best case scenario fight on the Allied side. During his talks with the Turks, Massigli was often attacked by Les Syriens, an influential Roman Catholic lobbying group who believed strongly in France's mission civilisatrice (civilizing mission) in the Middle East, and were stoutly opposed to giving up Alexandretta as a betrayal of France's mission civilisatrice. Most of the Les Syriens were Anglophobes, who saw Britain rather than Germany as the main enemy of France. Massigli for his part held the Les Syriens in contempt, arguing that France could not be distracted by adventures in the Middle East with Germany on the march. In March 1939, Massigli visited the headquarters of the French High Commission in Beirut, and bluntly stated that Turkey was not as the High Commission were claiming seeking to annex all of Syria, and were only seeking Alexandretta. Massigli was able during his talks with the Turks to persuade his hosts to stop sending irregulars over the Turkish-Syrian frontier to attack French troops. During his negotiations with Saracoğlu, the Turks suggested a ten-year alliance of Turkey, Britain and France in exchange for the French handing over Alexandretta. When the Turkish offer became public, it provoked a major outcry from the Les Syriens.
On 24 March 1939, Saracoğlu told Massigli that Britain and France should do more to oppose German influence in the Balkans, which was followed on 29 March by an offer of a Franco-Turkish alliance which would into effect provided the British also joined. In April 1939, the deputy Soviet Foreign Commissar Vladimir Potemkin during a visit to Turkey told Massigli that the aim of Soviet foreign policy was to bring into line a "peace front" to oppose German expansionism comprising Britain, France, the Soviet Union and Turkey. In 1939, Massigli was heavily preoccupied with competition with the German Ambassador Franz von Papen
Franz von Papen
Lieutenant-Colonel Franz Joseph Hermann Michael Maria von Papen zu Köningen was a German nobleman, Roman Catholic monarchist politician, General Staff officer, and diplomat, who served as Chancellor of Germany in 1932 and as Vice-Chancellor under Adolf Hitler in 1933–1934...
in an effort to secure Turkish adherence to the Allied side in the event of war breaking out. As part of the effort to increase French influence on the Turkish government, Massigli arranged for the visit of General Maxime Weygand
Maxime Weygand
Maxime Weygand was a French military commander in World War I and World War II.Weygand initially fought against the Germans during the invasion of France in 1940, but then surrendered to and collaborated with the Germans as part of the Vichy France regime.-Early years:Weygand was born in Brussels...
to Turkey in early May 1939, which was made into a state event. During Weygand's visit, the Turkish President İsmet İnönü
Ismet Inönü
Mustafa İsmet İnönü was a Turkish Army General, Prime Minister and the second President of Turkey. In 1938, the Republican People's Party gave him the title of "Milli Şef" .-Family and early life:...
told the French that he believed that the best way of stopping Germany was an alliance of Turkey, the Soviet Union, France and Britain; that if such an alliance came into being, the Turks would allow Soviet ground and air forces onto their soil; and that he wanted a major programme of French military aid to modernize the Turkish armed forces. Massigli was most disappointed when the British sent a mere Brigadier instead of an Admiral to offer military aid to the Turks, remarking sorely that "The Turks respect the Royal Navy; they no longer believe in the British Army." In July 1939 Massigli argued that if the British and French were able to offer a stabilization fund for the Turkish pound, it would undercut German economic influence in Turkey and tie Turkey to the West. Later in July 1939, Massigli was able to play a major part in arranging for French arms shipments to Turkey and later in August to have an Anglo-French stabilization fund created to help with Turkey's economic problems. The signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact on 23 August 1939 undid much of Massigli's effects as the Turks always believed that it was essential to have the Soviet Union as an ally to counter Germany, and the signing of the German-Soviet pact undercut completely the assumptions behind Turkish security policy. Through Massigli was often hampered by his poor relations with Bonnet, the efforts of the Les Syriens, and the stingily attitude of the French Treasury towards supporting Turkey, the British historian D.C. Watt argued that Massigli was an outstanding able ambassador who did much to successfully advance French interests in Turkey in 1939.
World War Two and the Cold War
In October 1939, the furious rivalry between Massagli and von Papen finally ended with the conclusion of a mutual security pact between the United Kingdom, France and Turkey. However, as Massagli admitted in his memoir of time as ambassadorAmbassador
An ambassador is the highest ranking diplomat who represents a nation and is usually accredited to a foreign sovereign or government, or to an international organization....
in Ankara, La Turquie devant la Guerre, his triumph proved to be an ephemeral one as the Turks chose to interpret Clause Two of the Anglo-French-Turkish alliance in such way as justifying remaining neutral. However, Massigli contended that while he failed to bring Turkey into the war on the Allied state, he at least foiled von Papen's efforts to bring Turkey into the war on the Axis side.
In August 1940, Massigli was removed by the Vichy government
Vichy France
Vichy France, Vichy Regime, or Vichy Government, are common terms used to describe the government of France that collaborated with the Axis powers from July 1940 to August 1944. This government succeeded the Third Republic and preceded the Provisional Government of the French Republic...
as Ambassador to Turkey. After his firing, Massigli returned to France and was in contact with several Resistance
French Resistance
The French Resistance is the name used to denote the collection of French resistance movements that fought against the Nazi German occupation of France and against the collaborationist Vichy régime during World War II...
leaders in the Lyon
Lyon
Lyon , is a city in east-central France in the Rhône-Alpes region, situated between Paris and Marseille. Lyon is located at from Paris, from Marseille, from Geneva, from Turin, and from Barcelona. The residents of the city are called Lyonnais....
area, most notably Jean Moulin
Jean Moulin
Jean Moulin was a high-profile member of the French Resistance during World War II. He is remembered today as an emblem of the Resistance primarily due to his role in unifying the French resistance under de Gaulle and his courage and death at the hands of the Germans.-Before the war:Moulin was...
. In January 1943, Massigli escaped to London and served as Charles de Gaulle
Charles de Gaulle
Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle was a French general and statesman who led the Free French Forces during World War II. He later founded the French Fifth Republic in 1958 and served as its first President from 1959 to 1969....
's Commissioner for Foreign Affairs (in effect the Free French foreign minister) in 1943–1944. In 1943, Massigli opposed the visit of the Prime Minister of Iraq
Iraq
Iraq ; officially the Republic of Iraq is a country in Western Asia spanning most of the northwestern end of the Zagros mountain range, the eastern part of the Syrian Desert and the northern part of the Arabian Desert....
, Nuri as-Said Pasha
Nuri as-Said
Nuri Pasha al-Said was an Iraqi politician during the British Mandate and during the Kingdom of Iraq. He served in various key cabinet positions, and served seven terms as Prime Minister of Iraq....
to Algeria
Algeria
Algeria , officially the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria , also formally referred to as the Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria, is a country in the Maghreb region of Northwest Africa with Algiers as its capital.In terms of land area, it is the largest country in Africa and the Arab...
after a summit with the Prime Minister of Egypt
Egypt
Egypt , officially the Arab Republic of Egypt, Arabic: , is a country mainly in North Africa, with the Sinai Peninsula forming a land bridge in Southwest Asia. Egypt is thus a transcontinental country, and a major power in Africa, the Mediterranean Basin, the Middle East and the Muslim world...
, Mustafa el-Nahhas Pasha, on the grounds that such visit would encourage Arab nationalist sentiment in French North Africa, would give the impression that France was aligning itself with one fraction centered around as-Said Pasha and might weaken the electoral chances of pro-French Lebanese nationalists in the upcoming Lebanese elections. In January 1944, at the conference called by General de Gaulle to consider the post-war fate of the French African colonies in Brazzaville
Brazzaville
-Transport:The city is home to Maya-Maya Airport and a railway station on the Congo-Ocean Railway. It is also an important river port, with ferries sailing to Kinshasa and to Bangui via Impfondo...
in the French Congo
French Congo
The French Congo was a French colony which at one time comprised the present-day area of the Republic of the Congo, Gabon, and the Central African Republic...
, Massigli strongly urged that representatives from the protectorates of Tunis and Morocco
Morocco
Morocco , officially the Kingdom of Morocco , is a country located in North Africa. It has a population of more than 32 million and an area of 710,850 km², and also primarily administers the disputed region of the Western Sahara...
and the government of Algeria not be allowed to attend the conference. Massigli's advice was not ignored.
In the spring of 1944, Massigli on the behalf of General de Gaulle presented an offer to British Prime Minister Winston Churchill
Winston Churchill
Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill, was a predominantly Conservative British politician and statesman known for his leadership of the United Kingdom during the Second World War. He is widely regarded as one of the greatest wartime leaders of the century and served as Prime Minister twice...
and Foreign Secretary Sir Anthony Eden
Anthony Eden
Robert Anthony Eden, 1st Earl of Avon, KG, MC, PC was a British Conservative politician, who was Prime Minister from 1955 to 1957...
for a "Third Force" in the post-war world standing between the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
The Soviet Union , officially the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics , was a constitutionally socialist state that existed in Eurasia between 1922 and 1991....
and the United States that was to comprise the United Kingdom, France and Belgium, who to integrate their defense and economic policies and jointly control the western half of Germany. The British were not initially interested in the proposal, while de Gaulle was always cool to the idea of British involvement in the "Third Force" concept, and had only agreed to British participation to allay Belgian concerns about post-war French domination. Moreover, de Gaulle had imposed as a precondition for British participation that London should support France annexing the Ruhr
Ruhr
The Ruhr is a medium-size river in western Germany , a right tributary of the Rhine.-Description:The source of the Ruhr is near the town of Winterberg in the mountainous Sauerland region, at an elevation of approximately 2,200 feet...
and Rhineland
Rhineland
Historically, the Rhinelands refers to a loosely-defined region embracing the land on either bank of the River Rhine in central Europe....
regions of Germany after the war, a demand the British rejected.
In 1944, de Gaulle decided that the Anglophile Massigli was too pro-British for his liking and demoted him to Ambassador to London. From August 1944 until June 1954, Massigli was the French Ambassador to the Court of St. James's
Court of St. James's
The Court of St James's is the royal court of the United Kingdom. It previously had the same function in the Kingdom of England and in the Kingdom of Great Britain .-Overview:...
. In August 1944, Massigli lobbied Winston Churchill
Winston Churchill
Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill, was a predominantly Conservative British politician and statesman known for his leadership of the United Kingdom during the Second World War. He is widely regarded as one of the greatest wartime leaders of the century and served as Prime Minister twice...
for allowing a greater French role in the war in the Far East as the best way of ensuring that French Indochina
French Indochina
French Indochina was part of the French colonial empire in southeast Asia. A federation of the three Vietnamese regions, Tonkin , Annam , and Cochinchina , as well as Cambodia, was formed in 1887....
stay French after World War II
World War II
World War II, or the Second World War , was a global conflict lasting from 1939 to 1945, involving most of the world's nations—including all of the great powers—eventually forming two opposing military alliances: the Allies and the Axis...
had ended. In November 1944, when Churchill visited Paris, he presented to de Gaulle his offer for an Anglo-French pact, which Massigli urged the General to accept, but which de Gaulle refused. During his time in Britain, Massigli was very much involved in the debates about the Cold War
Cold War
The Cold War was the continuing state from roughly 1946 to 1991 of political conflict, military tension, proxy wars, and economic competition between the Communist World—primarily the Soviet Union and its satellite states and allies—and the powers of the Western world, primarily the United States...
and European integration. Massigli was strongly opposed to the vision of European federation of Jean Monnet
Jean Monnet
Jean Omer Marie Gabriel Monnet was a French political economist and diplomat. He is regarded by many as a chief architect of European Unity and is regarded as one of its founding fathers...
. Instead he urged the creation of an Anglo-French bloc which would serve as the basis for a federation of Europe. In 1954–1956, Massigli served as the Secretary-General of the Quai d'Orsay
Quai d'Orsay
The Quai d'Orsay is a quai in the VIIe arrondissement of Paris, part of the left bank of the Seine, and the name of the street along it. The Quai becomes the Quai Anatole France east of the Palais Bourbon, and the Quai de Branly west of the Pont de l'Alma.The French Ministry of Foreign Affairs is...
. As Secretary-General, Massigli played a major role behind the scenes in resolving the 1954 crisis in trans-Atlantic relations caused by the rejection by the French National Assembly of the European Defence Community
European Defence Community
The European Defense Community was a plan proposed in 1950 by René Pleven, the French President of the Council , in response to the American call for the rearmament of West Germany...
treaty. In 1956, Massigil retired. His memoirs, Une Comédie des Erreurs, were published in 1978. He died in Paris on 3 February 1988 a month short of his 100th birthday.
Works
- "New Conceptions of French Policy in Tropical Africa" pp. 403–415 from International Affairs, Volume 33, No. 4, October 1957.
- La Turquie devant la Guerre: Mission a Ankara 1939–1940, Paris: Plon, 1964.
- Une Comédie des Erreurs, 1943–1956 souvenirs et réflexions sur une étape de la construction européenne, Paris: Plon, 1978.
Further reading
- Burgess, Patricia (editor) pp. 100–102 from The Annual Obituary 1988, St James Press, 1990 ISBN 1558620508
- Pastor-Castro, Rogelia "The Quai d'Orsay and the European Defence Community Crisis of 1954" pp. 386–400 from History, Volume 91, Issue #303, July 2006.