El Mozote massacre
Encyclopedia
The El Mozote Massacre took place in and around the village of El Mozote
, in Morazán department
, El Salvador
, on December 11, 1981, when Salvadoran armed forces trained by the United States military killed at least 200 and up to 1000 civilians in an anti-guerrilla campaign during the Salvadoran Civil War.
As news of the massacre
slowly emerged, the Reagan administration
in the United States
attempted to dismiss it because of its reflection of the human rights abuses of the Salvadoran government, which the US was supporting with large amounts of military aid
.
(named after an indigenous fighter who fought the Spanish in the 16th century) arrived at the remote village of El Mozote after a clash with guerrilla
s in the vicinity.
The Atlacatl was a "Rapid Deployment Infantry Battalion" specially trained for counter-insurgency
warfare.
It was the first unit of its kind in the Salvadoran armed forces and was trained by United States military advisors.
Its mission, Operación Rescate ("Operation Rescue"), was to eliminate the rebel presence in a small region of northern Morazán where the FMLN
had a camp and a training center.
El Mozote consisted of about twenty houses situated on open ground around a square. Facing onto the square was a church and, behind it, a small building known as "the convent", used by the priest to change into his vestments when he came to the village to celebrate mass. Near the village was a small schoolhouse.
Upon arrival, the soldiers found not only the residents of the village but also campesinos
who had sought refuge from the surrounding area. The soldiers ordered everyone out of their houses and into the square. They made them lie face down, searched them, and questioned them about the guerrillas. They then ordered the villagers to lock themselves in their houses until the next day, warning that anyone coming out would be shot. The soldiers remained in the village during the night.
During the morning, they proceeded to interrogate, torture
, and execute the men in several locations. Around noon, they began taking the women and older girls in groups, separating them from their children and machine-gunning them after raping them. Girls as young as 10 were raped, under the pretext of them being supportive of the guerillas. Finally, they killed the children. A group of children that had been locked in the church and its convent were shot through the windows.
After killing the entire population, the soldiers set fire to the buildings.
The soldiers remained in El Mozote that night. The next day, they went to the village of Los Toriles, 2 km away.
Several of the inhabitants managed to escape. The others — men, women and children — were taken from their homes, lined up, and shot.
They locked the women and children in the church and ordered the men to lie face down in the square. A number of men were accused of being guerrilla collaborators, and they were tied up, blindfolded and tortured. Residents later found the bodies of three of them, stabbed to death.
The day before the El Mozote massacre, on December 10, Atlacatl had rounded up residents in the main square of Cumaro canton; no one was killed. Members of the Atlacatl Battalion repeated similar actions in La Joya canton on December 11, in the village of La Rancheria on December 12, and in the village of Jocote Amarillo and Cerro Pando canton on December 13.
The guerrillas' clandestine radio station began broadcasting reports of a massacre of civilians in the area. On December 31, the FMLN issued "a call to the International Red Cross
, the OAS Human Rights Commission
, and the international press to verify the genocide of more than 900 Salvadorans" in and around El Mozote. Reporters started pushing for evidence.
Officials from the US embassy in San Salvador played down the reports and said they were unwilling to visit the site because of safety concerns.
The FMLN smuggled in reporters from two of the most prominent US newspapers, Raymond Bonner
of the New York Times
, Alma Guillermoprieto
of the Washington Post, who, together with photojournalist Susan Meiselas
, went to the site approximately a month after the massacre took place.
Alma Guillermoprieto, who visited the village separately a few days later, wrote of "dozens of decomposing bodies still seen beneath the rubble and lying in nearby fields, despite the month that has passed since the incident". In what had once been a white-washed church, "countless bits of bones — skulls, rib cages, femurs, a spinal column — poked out of the rubble."
Both reporters spoke to a woman named Rufina Amaya
who said she had escaped in the confusion and hidden in a tree. She told the reporters that the soldiers killed her husband, her nine-year-old son, and her three daughters aged five, three, and eight months. The soldiers set piles of bodies on fire, she said, and then left.
The villagers gave Bonner a list of 733 names — mostly children, women, and old people — all of whom, they claimed, had been murdered by government soldiers.
Salvadoran army and government leaders said no such massacre had taken place and officials of the Reagan administration dismissed the reports as "gross exaggerations." The Associated Press reported that "the U.S. Embassy disputed the reports, saying its own investigation had found ... that no more than 300 people had lived in El Mozote."
The conservative press-watch organization Accuracy in Media
charged the newspapers and the reporters with conspiring to hold their stories until late January, just before President Reagan was required to certify that El Salvador's military forces were making progress in human rights in order to continue the subsidies. The reporters denied the charge.
Thomas Enders, then Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, attacked Bonner and Guillermoprieto before a congressional committee, saying that although there had been a firefight between the army and the guerrillas in the area, "no evidence could be found to confirm that government forces systematically massacred civilians."
On February 8, Elliott Abrams
, Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs, told a Senate committee that the reports of hundreds of deaths at El Mozote "were not credible", and that "it appears to be an incident that is at least being significantly misused, at the very best, by the guerrillas". Abrams implied that reports of a massacre were simply FMLN propaganda.
In February, in a lengthy editorial titled "The Media's War", the Wall Street Journal critiqued US press coverage of El Salvador, singling out Bonner as being "overly credulous", and accusing the Times of closing ranks "behind a reporter out on a limb". The Journal warned that the debate in Congress was being distorted from reality by Bonner's and Guillermoprieto's "overly credulous" reports of the massacre. It cited Enders' denial and charged that because the two reporters had visited El Mozote under the protection of guerrilla guides, "this was a propaganda exercise".
In Time Magazine, William A. Henry III
wrote a month later: "An even more crucial if common oversight is the fact that women and children, generally presumed to be civilians, can be active participants in guerrilla war. New York Times correspondent Raymond Bonner underplayed that possibility, for example, in a much-protested January 27 report of a massacre by the army in and around the village of Mozote."
Although attacked less vigorously than Bonner, Alma Guillermoprieto was also a target of criticism. A Reagan official wrote a letter to the Post claiming that she had once worked for a communist newspaper in Mexico. Guillermoprieto denied ever having working for any newspaper in Mexico and told that to editor Ben Bradlee when he questioned her in the newsroom.
In June 1982, after the Senate Foreign Relations Committee proposed cutting $100 million in military aid to El Salvador, US Ambassador Deane Hinton traveled to Washington to try to prevent the cutback. While he was there, he went out of his way to attack Bonner, particularly over the reporter's stories about the failure of El Salvador's land-reform program. Hinton denounced Bonner as an "advocate journalist".
In late July, Accuracy in Media devoted an entire edition of its AIM Report to Bonner. Its editor Reed Irvine
declared that "Mr. Bonner had been worth a division
to the communists in Central America". Irvine made insinuations about Bonner's political sympathies, noting that he had once worked for Ralph Nader
, omitting that he had been a Marine Corps officer in Vietnam
, and all but calling him a communist agent.
That August, Bonner was ordered to return to New York; he subsequently took a leave of office and left the newspaper shortly thereafter. The Post also recalled Guillermoprieto, promoting her to a staff position, and assigning her to cover suburban Washington. Guillermoprieto left the paper two years later.
In the course of the year, a number of Salvadoran human rights organizations denounced the massacre. The Salvadoran authorities continued to categorically deny that a massacre had taken place. No judicial investigation was launched and there was no word of any investigation by the government or the armed forces. Bonner later published a book on his experiences, Weakness and Deceit: U.S. Policy and El Salvador (1984), but in the intervening years the El Mozote story was slowly buried.
The Atlacatl Battalion
went on to commit many more atrocities, including, nine years later, the murder of six Jesuits, their cook and her daughter in November 1989. Among the victims were the scholars Ignacio Ellacuría
, Ignacio Martín-Baró
and Segundo Montes
. Although the perpetrators tried to disguise the murders as the work of left-wing rebels, it soon became obvious that Atlacatl had been behind it, to universal condemnation.
In 1992, as part of the peace settlement established by the Chapultepec Peace Accords
signed in Mexico City on January 16 of that year, a United Nations
-sanctioned Commission on the Truth for El Salvador
investigating human rights abuses committed during the war supervised the exhumations of the El Mozote remains by an Argentinian
team of forensic specialists beginning November 17.
The Salvadoran Minister of Defense and the Chief of the Armed Forces Joint Staff informed the Truth Commission that they had no information that would make it possible to identify the units and officers who participated in Operación Rescate. They claimed that there were no records for the period. The Truth Commission stated in its final report:
It added:
began:
A similar article by Douglas Farah appeared the same day in The Washington Post.
In 1993, a special State Department panel that examined the actions of U.S. diplomats vis-a-vis human rights in El Salvador concluded that "mistakes were certainly made... particularly in the failure to get the truth about the December 1981 massacre at El Mozote."
That year, American journalist Mark Danner
published an article in the December 6 issue of The New Yorker
.
His article, "The Truth of El Mozote", caused widespread consternation, for it rekindled the debate regarding the United States' role in Central America during the violence-torn 1970s and 1980s. He subsequently expanded the article into a book, The Massacre at El Mozote (1994).
In a prefatory remark, Danner wrote:
In his study of the media and the Reagan administration, On Bended Knee, US author Mark Hertsgaard wrote of the significance of the first reports of the massacre:
reopened an investigation into the El Mozote massacre because of new evidence found by a team of Argentine forensic anthropologists in 2003. However, recent efforts by lawyers in El Salvador to reopen the case, which was shelved in 2000, have repeatedly failed, even after a court ruling that year stripped protection under the national amnesty law from suspects in the most egregious human rights violations.
If the Commission on Human Rights finds enough evidence tying the Salvadoran government to the killings, the case will go to the Inter-American Court. Though it is unlikely that the court's decision would result in jail time for those involved, the court could demand that the government conduct an investigation of the incident and require payment of reparations to the families of those who died or disappeared.
In a January 2007 report in the Washington Post, a former Salvadoran soldier, José Wilfredo Salgado, told of returning to El Mozote several months after the massacre and collecting the skulls of the youngest victims, whose remains were exposed by recent rains, for "candleholders and good-luck charms."
El Mozote
El Mozote is a village in the Morazán department in El Salvador. It was the site of the El Mozote massacre during the civil war in December 1981 when nearly 1,000 civilians were killed by the US-trained Atlacatl Battalion, backed by the Salvadoran government....
, in Morazán department
Morazán Department
Morazán is a department of El Salvador. Located in the northeast part of the country, its capital is San Francisco Gotera. It covers a total surface area of 1,447 km² and has a population of more than 200,000.-History:...
, El Salvador
El Salvador
El Salvador or simply Salvador is the smallest and the most densely populated country in Central America. The country's capital city and largest city is San Salvador; Santa Ana and San Miguel are also important cultural and commercial centers in the country and in all of Central America...
, on December 11, 1981, when Salvadoran armed forces trained by the United States military killed at least 200 and up to 1000 civilians in an anti-guerrilla campaign during the Salvadoran Civil War.
As news of the massacre
Massacre
A massacre is an event with a heavy death toll.Massacre may also refer to:-Entertainment:*Massacre , a DC Comics villain*Massacre , a 1932 drama film starring Richard Barthelmess*Massacre, a 1956 Western starring Dane Clark...
slowly emerged, the Reagan administration
Reagan Administration
The United States presidency of Ronald Reagan, also known as the Reagan administration, was a Republican administration headed by Ronald Reagan from January 20, 1981, to January 20, 1989....
in the United States
United States
The United States of America is a federal constitutional republic comprising fifty states and a federal district...
attempted to dismiss it because of its reflection of the human rights abuses of the Salvadoran government, which the US was supporting with large amounts of military aid
Military aid
Military aid is aid which is used to assist an ally in its defense efforts, or to assist a poor country in maintaining control over its own territory. Many countries receive military aid to help with counter-insurgency efforts...
.
December 10
On the afternoon of December 10, 1981, units of the Salvadoran army's Atlacatl BattalionAtlacatl Battalion
The Atlacatl Battalion, a former Salvadoran Army unit, was a rapid-response, counter-insurgency battalion created in 1980 at the U.S. Army's School of the Americas, then located in Panama. It was implicated in some of the most infamous incidents of the Salvadoran Civil War...
(named after an indigenous fighter who fought the Spanish in the 16th century) arrived at the remote village of El Mozote after a clash with guerrilla
Guerrilla warfare
Guerrilla warfare is a form of irregular warfare and refers to conflicts in which a small group of combatants including, but not limited to, armed civilians use military tactics, such as ambushes, sabotage, raids, the element of surprise, and extraordinary mobility to harass a larger and...
s in the vicinity.
The Atlacatl was a "Rapid Deployment Infantry Battalion" specially trained for counter-insurgency
Counter-insurgency
A counter-insurgency or counterinsurgency involves actions taken by the recognized government of a nation to contain or quell an insurgency taken up against it...
warfare.
It was the first unit of its kind in the Salvadoran armed forces and was trained by United States military advisors.
Its mission, Operación Rescate ("Operation Rescue"), was to eliminate the rebel presence in a small region of northern Morazán where the FMLN
Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front
The Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front is, since 1992, a left-wing political party in El Salvador and formerly a coalition of five revolutionary guerrilla organizations...
had a camp and a training center.
El Mozote consisted of about twenty houses situated on open ground around a square. Facing onto the square was a church and, behind it, a small building known as "the convent", used by the priest to change into his vestments when he came to the village to celebrate mass. Near the village was a small schoolhouse.
Upon arrival, the soldiers found not only the residents of the village but also campesinos
Peasant
A peasant is an agricultural worker who generally tend to be poor and homeless-Etymology:The word is derived from 15th century French païsant meaning one from the pays, or countryside, ultimately from the Latin pagus, or outlying administrative district.- Position in society :Peasants typically...
who had sought refuge from the surrounding area. The soldiers ordered everyone out of their houses and into the square. They made them lie face down, searched them, and questioned them about the guerrillas. They then ordered the villagers to lock themselves in their houses until the next day, warning that anyone coming out would be shot. The soldiers remained in the village during the night.
December 11 and 12
Early the next morning, the soldiers reassembled the entire village in the square. They separated the men from the women and children and locked them in separate groups in the church, the convent, and various houses.During the morning, they proceeded to interrogate, torture
Torture
Torture is the act of inflicting severe pain as a means of punishment, revenge, forcing information or a confession, or simply as an act of cruelty. Throughout history, torture has often been used as a method of political re-education, interrogation, punishment, and coercion...
, and execute the men in several locations. Around noon, they began taking the women and older girls in groups, separating them from their children and machine-gunning them after raping them. Girls as young as 10 were raped, under the pretext of them being supportive of the guerillas. Finally, they killed the children. A group of children that had been locked in the church and its convent were shot through the windows.
After killing the entire population, the soldiers set fire to the buildings.
The soldiers remained in El Mozote that night. The next day, they went to the village of Los Toriles, 2 km away.
Several of the inhabitants managed to escape. The others — men, women and children — were taken from their homes, lined up, and shot.
Related activities
Clashes had taken place on December 9 between government troops and the guerrillas, when a company of the Atlacatl entered the town of Arambala. They rounded up the villagers in the town square and separated the men from the women and children.They locked the women and children in the church and ordered the men to lie face down in the square. A number of men were accused of being guerrilla collaborators, and they were tied up, blindfolded and tortured. Residents later found the bodies of three of them, stabbed to death.
The day before the El Mozote massacre, on December 10, Atlacatl had rounded up residents in the main square of Cumaro canton; no one was killed. Members of the Atlacatl Battalion repeated similar actions in La Joya canton on December 11, in the village of La Rancheria on December 12, and in the village of Jocote Amarillo and Cerro Pando canton on December 13.
Aftermath
The victims at El Mozote were left unburied. During the weeks that followed, the bodies were seen by many people who passed by there.The guerrillas' clandestine radio station began broadcasting reports of a massacre of civilians in the area. On December 31, the FMLN issued "a call to the International Red Cross
International Committee of the Red Cross
The International Committee of the Red Cross is a private humanitarian institution based in Geneva, Switzerland. States parties to the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols of 1977 and 2005, have given the ICRC a mandate to protect the victims of international and...
, the OAS Human Rights Commission
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is an autonomous organ of the Organization of American States .Along with the...
, and the international press to verify the genocide of more than 900 Salvadorans" in and around El Mozote. Reporters started pushing for evidence.
Officials from the US embassy in San Salvador played down the reports and said they were unwilling to visit the site because of safety concerns.
The FMLN smuggled in reporters from two of the most prominent US newspapers, Raymond Bonner
Raymond Bonner
Raymond Bonner has been an investigative reporter and foreign correspondent for The New York Times and the International Herald Tribune. He has also been a staff writer at The New Yorker and contributed to The New York Review of Books...
of the New York Times
The New York Times
The New York Times is an American daily newspaper founded and continuously published in New York City since 1851. The New York Times has won 106 Pulitzer Prizes, the most of any news organization...
, Alma Guillermoprieto
Alma Guillermoprieto
Alma Guillermoprieto is a Mexican journalist who has written extensively about Latin America for the British and American press. Her writings have also been widely disseminated within the Spanish-speaking world.-Life:...
of the Washington Post, who, together with photojournalist Susan Meiselas
Susan Meiselas
Susan Meiselas is an American documentary photographer. She has been associated with Magnum Photos since 1976 and a full member since 1980. Her works have been published in newspapers and magazines including The New York Times, The Times, Time, Geo and Paris Match...
, went to the site approximately a month after the massacre took place.
News reports
News of the massacre first appeared in the world media on January 27, 1982 in two reports that were simultaneously published by the New York Times and the Washington Post. Raymond Bonner wrote in the Times of seeing "the charred skulls and bones of dozens of bodies buried under burned-out roofs, beams, and shattered tiles."Alma Guillermoprieto, who visited the village separately a few days later, wrote of "dozens of decomposing bodies still seen beneath the rubble and lying in nearby fields, despite the month that has passed since the incident". In what had once been a white-washed church, "countless bits of bones — skulls, rib cages, femurs, a spinal column — poked out of the rubble."
Both reporters spoke to a woman named Rufina Amaya
Rufina Amaya
Rufina Amaya was one of the few survivors of the El Mozote massacre on December 11 and December 12, 1981, in the Salvadoran department of Morazán during the Salvadoran Civil War. Her testimony of the attacks, reported shortly afterward by two American reporters but called into question by the U.S....
who said she had escaped in the confusion and hidden in a tree. She told the reporters that the soldiers killed her husband, her nine-year-old son, and her three daughters aged five, three, and eight months. The soldiers set piles of bodies on fire, she said, and then left.
The villagers gave Bonner a list of 733 names — mostly children, women, and old people — all of whom, they claimed, had been murdered by government soldiers.
Backlash
Seeing the conflict as critical for a right-wing Central America, the Reagan administration was determined to give the Salvadoran government military assistance in defeating the FMLN. This was seriously complicated by the reports from El Mozote which appeared just as a new round of debate over the huge flow of money and arms being sent to El Salvador's armed forces was getting underway. Correspondingly, the reports drew immediate fire from Reagan administration officials and others on the US political right.Salvadoran army and government leaders said no such massacre had taken place and officials of the Reagan administration dismissed the reports as "gross exaggerations." The Associated Press reported that "the U.S. Embassy disputed the reports, saying its own investigation had found ... that no more than 300 people had lived in El Mozote."
The conservative press-watch organization Accuracy in Media
Accuracy in Media
Accuracy In Media is an American, non-profit news media watchdog founded in 1969 by economist Reed Irvine. AIM describes itself as "a non-profit, grassroots citizens watchdog of the news media that critiques botched and bungled news stories and sets the record straight on important issues that...
charged the newspapers and the reporters with conspiring to hold their stories until late January, just before President Reagan was required to certify that El Salvador's military forces were making progress in human rights in order to continue the subsidies. The reporters denied the charge.
Thomas Enders, then Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, attacked Bonner and Guillermoprieto before a congressional committee, saying that although there had been a firefight between the army and the guerrillas in the area, "no evidence could be found to confirm that government forces systematically massacred civilians."
On February 8, Elliott Abrams
Elliott Abrams
Elliott Abrams is an American attorney and neoconservative policy analyst who served in foreign policy positions for two Republican U.S. Presidents, Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush. While serving for Reagan and in the State Department, Abrams, Paul Wolfowitz, and retired U.S. Marine Corps officer...
, Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs, told a Senate committee that the reports of hundreds of deaths at El Mozote "were not credible", and that "it appears to be an incident that is at least being significantly misused, at the very best, by the guerrillas". Abrams implied that reports of a massacre were simply FMLN propaganda.
In February, in a lengthy editorial titled "The Media's War", the Wall Street Journal critiqued US press coverage of El Salvador, singling out Bonner as being "overly credulous", and accusing the Times of closing ranks "behind a reporter out on a limb". The Journal warned that the debate in Congress was being distorted from reality by Bonner's and Guillermoprieto's "overly credulous" reports of the massacre. It cited Enders' denial and charged that because the two reporters had visited El Mozote under the protection of guerrilla guides, "this was a propaganda exercise".
In Time Magazine, William A. Henry III
William A. Henry III
William A. Henry III was an award-winning American cultural critic and author.-Career:Henry lived in North Plainfield, New Jersey as a young man. Henry graduated from Yale in 1971 and began his career in journalism in Boston, writing for the Boston Globe. His coverage of school desegregation in...
wrote a month later: "An even more crucial if common oversight is the fact that women and children, generally presumed to be civilians, can be active participants in guerrilla war. New York Times correspondent Raymond Bonner underplayed that possibility, for example, in a much-protested January 27 report of a massacre by the army in and around the village of Mozote."
Although attacked less vigorously than Bonner, Alma Guillermoprieto was also a target of criticism. A Reagan official wrote a letter to the Post claiming that she had once worked for a communist newspaper in Mexico. Guillermoprieto denied ever having working for any newspaper in Mexico and told that to editor Ben Bradlee when he questioned her in the newsroom.
In June 1982, after the Senate Foreign Relations Committee proposed cutting $100 million in military aid to El Salvador, US Ambassador Deane Hinton traveled to Washington to try to prevent the cutback. While he was there, he went out of his way to attack Bonner, particularly over the reporter's stories about the failure of El Salvador's land-reform program. Hinton denounced Bonner as an "advocate journalist".
In late July, Accuracy in Media devoted an entire edition of its AIM Report to Bonner. Its editor Reed Irvine
Reed Irvine
Reed Irvine was an economist who founded the media watchdog organization Accuracy in Media, and remained its head for 35 years....
declared that "Mr. Bonner had been worth a division
Division (military)
A division is a large military unit or formation usually consisting of between 10,000 and 20,000 soldiers. In most armies, a division is composed of several regiments or brigades, and in turn several divisions typically make up a corps...
to the communists in Central America". Irvine made insinuations about Bonner's political sympathies, noting that he had once worked for Ralph Nader
Ralph Nader
Ralph Nader is an American political activist, as well as an author, lecturer, and attorney. Areas of particular concern to Nader include consumer protection, humanitarianism, environmentalism, and democratic government....
, omitting that he had been a Marine Corps officer in Vietnam
Vietnam
Vietnam – sometimes spelled Viet Nam , officially the Socialist Republic of Vietnam – is the easternmost country on the Indochina Peninsula in Southeast Asia. It is bordered by China to the north, Laos to the northwest, Cambodia to the southwest, and the South China Sea –...
, and all but calling him a communist agent.
That August, Bonner was ordered to return to New York; he subsequently took a leave of office and left the newspaper shortly thereafter. The Post also recalled Guillermoprieto, promoting her to a staff position, and assigning her to cover suburban Washington. Guillermoprieto left the paper two years later.
In the course of the year, a number of Salvadoran human rights organizations denounced the massacre. The Salvadoran authorities continued to categorically deny that a massacre had taken place. No judicial investigation was launched and there was no word of any investigation by the government or the armed forces. Bonner later published a book on his experiences, Weakness and Deceit: U.S. Policy and El Salvador (1984), but in the intervening years the El Mozote story was slowly buried.
The Atlacatl Battalion
Atlacatl Battalion
The Atlacatl Battalion, a former Salvadoran Army unit, was a rapid-response, counter-insurgency battalion created in 1980 at the U.S. Army's School of the Americas, then located in Panama. It was implicated in some of the most infamous incidents of the Salvadoran Civil War...
went on to commit many more atrocities, including, nine years later, the murder of six Jesuits, their cook and her daughter in November 1989. Among the victims were the scholars Ignacio Ellacuría
Ignacio Ellacuría
Ignacio Ellacuría, S.J. was a Jesuit priest, philosopher, and theologian who did important work as a professor and rector at the Universidad Centroamericana "José Simeón Cañas" , a Jesuit university in El Salvador founded in 1965...
, Ignacio Martín-Baró
Ignacio Martín-Baró
Ignacio Martín-Baró, S.J. was a scholar, social psychologist, philosopher and Jesuit priest...
and Segundo Montes
Segundo Montes
Segundo Montes, S.J. was a scholar, philosopher, educator, sociologist and Jesuit priest...
. Although the perpetrators tried to disguise the murders as the work of left-wing rebels, it soon became obvious that Atlacatl had been behind it, to universal condemnation.
Vindication
On October 26, 1990, a criminal complaint against the Atlacatl Battalion was filed by Pedro Chicas Romero of La Joya who had hidden in a cave above the hamlet as the soldiers killed his family and neighbors, and judicial proceedings were instituted. One of the first witnesses called to give testimony was Rufina Amaya, and the judge ordered remains to be exhumed.In 1992, as part of the peace settlement established by the Chapultepec Peace Accords
Chapultepec Peace Accords
The Chapultepec Peace Accords brought peace to El Salvador in 1992 after more than a decade of wrenching civil war.The treaty was negotiated by representatives of the Salvadoran government, the rebel movement FMLN, and political parties, with observers from the Roman Catholic Church and United...
signed in Mexico City on January 16 of that year, a United Nations
United Nations
The United Nations is an international organization whose stated aims are facilitating cooperation in international law, international security, economic development, social progress, human rights, and achievement of world peace...
-sanctioned Commission on the Truth for El Salvador
Commission on the Truth for El Salvador
The Truth Commission for El Salvador was a truth commission established by the United Nations to investigate and report on human rights abuses during the civil war in El Salvador ....
investigating human rights abuses committed during the war supervised the exhumations of the El Mozote remains by an Argentinian
Argentina
Argentina , officially the Argentine Republic , is the second largest country in South America by land area, after Brazil. It is constituted as a federation of 23 provinces and an autonomous city, Buenos Aires...
team of forensic specialists beginning November 17.
The Salvadoran Minister of Defense and the Chief of the Armed Forces Joint Staff informed the Truth Commission that they had no information that would make it possible to identify the units and officers who participated in Operación Rescate. They claimed that there were no records for the period. The Truth Commission stated in its final report:
- "There is full proof that on 11 December 1981, in the village of El Mozote, units of the Atlacatl Battalion deliberately and systematically killed a group of more than 200 men, women and children, constituting the entire civilian population that they had found there the previous day and had since been holding prisoner."
It added:
- "there is [also] sufficient evidence that in the days preceding and following the El Mozote massacre, troops participating in "Operation Rescue" massacred the non-combatant civilian population in La Joya canton, in the villages of La Rancheria, Jocote Amatillo y Los Toriles, and in Cerro Pando canton."
A second look
On October 22, 1992, a headline on the front page of The New York Times announced "Salvador Skeletons Confirm Reports of Massacre in 1981". Reporter Tim GoldenTim Golden
Tim Golden is a Republican member of the Georgia State Senate, representing the 8th District since 1998. He was previously the Democratic Minority Caucus Chairman...
began:
- "In a small rectangular plot among the overgrown ruins of a village here, a team of forensic archeologists has opened a window on El Salvador's nightmarish past. Nearly 11 years after American-trained soldiers were said to have torn through El Mozote and surrounding hamlets on a rampage in which at least 794 people were killed, the bones have emerged as stark evidence that the claims of peasant survivors and the reports of a couple of American journalists were true."
A similar article by Douglas Farah appeared the same day in The Washington Post.
In 1993, a special State Department panel that examined the actions of U.S. diplomats vis-a-vis human rights in El Salvador concluded that "mistakes were certainly made... particularly in the failure to get the truth about the December 1981 massacre at El Mozote."
That year, American journalist Mark Danner
Mark Danner
Mark David Danner is a prominent American writer, journalist, and educator. He is a former staff writer for The New Yorker and frequent contributor to The New York Review of Books. Danner specializes in U.S. foreign affairs, war and politics, and has written extensively on Haiti, Central America,...
published an article in the December 6 issue of The New Yorker
The New Yorker
The New Yorker is an American magazine of reportage, commentary, criticism, essays, fiction, satire, cartoons and poetry published by Condé Nast...
.
His article, "The Truth of El Mozote", caused widespread consternation, for it rekindled the debate regarding the United States' role in Central America during the violence-torn 1970s and 1980s. He subsequently expanded the article into a book, The Massacre at El Mozote (1994).
In a prefatory remark, Danner wrote:
- "That in the United States it came to be known, that it was exposed to the light and then allowed to fall back into the dark, makes the story of El Mozote — how it came to happen and how it came to be denied — a central parable of the Cold War."
In his study of the media and the Reagan administration, On Bended Knee, US author Mark Hertsgaard wrote of the significance of the first reports of the massacre:
- "What made the Morazan massacre stories so threatening was that they repudiated the fundamental moral claim that undergirded US policy. They suggested that what the United States was supporting in Central America was not democracy but repression. They therefore threatened to shift the political debate from means to ends, from how best to combat the supposed Communist threat — send US troops or merely US aid? — to why the United States was backing state terrorismState terrorismState terrorism may refer to acts of terrorism conducted by a state against a foreign state or people. It can also refer to acts of violence by a state against its own people.-Definition:...
in the first place."
Investigation reopened
On March 7, 2005, the OAS's Inter-American Commission on Human RightsInter-American Commission on Human Rights
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is an autonomous organ of the Organization of American States .Along with the...
reopened an investigation into the El Mozote massacre because of new evidence found by a team of Argentine forensic anthropologists in 2003. However, recent efforts by lawyers in El Salvador to reopen the case, which was shelved in 2000, have repeatedly failed, even after a court ruling that year stripped protection under the national amnesty law from suspects in the most egregious human rights violations.
If the Commission on Human Rights finds enough evidence tying the Salvadoran government to the killings, the case will go to the Inter-American Court. Though it is unlikely that the court's decision would result in jail time for those involved, the court could demand that the government conduct an investigation of the incident and require payment of reparations to the families of those who died or disappeared.
In a January 2007 report in the Washington Post, a former Salvadoran soldier, José Wilfredo Salgado, told of returning to El Mozote several months after the massacre and collecting the skulls of the youngest victims, whose remains were exposed by recent rains, for "candleholders and good-luck charms."
External links
- The UN Truth Commission report on El Mozote (excerpts)
- Mark Danner. "The Truth of El Mozote," The New Yorker, 6 December 1993.
- The El Mozote Massacre (various articles)
- Mike Hoyt. "The Mozote Massacre: It was the reporters' word against the government's," Columbia Journalism Review, January/February 1993.
- Testimony of Rufina Amaya: Sole survivor of the massacre (in Spanish)
- In El Mozote the Order Was to Kill Anything That Moved (in Spanish)