International Workers Party
Encyclopedia
The International Workers Party (IWP) is supposedly a secretive Marxist political organization founded by controversial organizer, playwright and psychotherapist
Fred Newman
.
and the many organizations they have built over the years.
The IWP has its roots in Centers for Change, a radical community organizing
project led by Newman in New York City in the early 1970s. Newman led the CFC into a brief alliance (1973–74) and even briefer merger (three months in 1974) with Lyndon LaRouche
's National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC); the association began shortly after the conclusion of LaRouche's infamous "Operation Mop Up," a series of violent NCLC attacks on leftist groups. Even before bringing CFC members into the NCLC, Newman had written articles supporting LaRouche's theories and techniques, especially LaRouche's use of psychoanalytical concepts in political organizing and recruitment efforts.
The reason Fred Newman and his colleagues provided for leaving the NCLC was a disagreement between LaRouche and Newman over what to do with the National Unemployed and Welfare Rights Organization (NUWRO), which the LaRouchians had founded the previous year (Newman wanted to build it up, while LaRouche wanted to concentrate on more rarefied issues). However, the differences in life style between LaRouchians and Newmanites were equally important in triggering the split, with the notably puritanical LaRouche writing that there was no room in the NCLC for the CFC's unconventional (by LaRouchian standards) sexual practices.
Newman and 38 of his followers issued an open letter (August 1974) in which they announced they were leaving the NCLC and forming the IWP. The latter, they proclaimed, would be the true vanguard
party that would lead the supposedly impending (within months) revolution of the working class against Rockefeller fascism.
They also claim to have been the first to decry LaRouche's move to the Right. In fact, however, the Communist Party
, Workers World Party
, the Socialist Workers Party
and the independent "Movement" left had all condemned the LaRouche organization as fascistic during Operation Mop Up. Newman's Centers for Change not only did not join in this condemnation (or in the self-defense coalition that protected leftist meetings at the height of the violence) but they began working enthusiastically with LaRouche. This was after Mop Up was over, but while the LaRouche organization was still engaging in physical intimidation against black activists and West Coast leftists. Furthermore, Newman and his closest associates expelled and harassed members of Centers for Change, such as Jim Retherford and David Socholitsky, who opposed the alliance with LaRouche. Newman then fulsomely praised LaRouche in the introduction to "Power and Authority" (1974) published almost one year after most of the Left had denounced LaRouche's move to the Right. Nevertheless, the Newman group, after their split from LaRouche, did denounce him and continued to do so over the years.
In 1975, the IWP was joined by four Trotskyists who had previously constituted themselves as the Class Unity Faction within the Workers World Party but had been forced out as a result of their opposition to the WWP leadership's supposed reformism
. The members of Class Unity hoped to convert the former CFC members to their own brand of revolutionary communism
but soon found that their polemical style, which emphasized ideological principles, clashed with Newman's emotionally-based psychotherapeutic approach to leftwing politics.
The Trotskyists and a handful of disillusioned former CFCers then split away in 1976 to form the short-lived "Communist Cadre" organization. In a dramatic public confrontation at a forum on New York's Upper West Side and in a series of mimeographed broadsides, they accused Newman of running a psychotherapy cult and of encouraging his followers to provide the FBI with false information on a dissident member of the former CFC, Jim Retherford, who had denounced Newman's alliance with LaRouche. Newman admitted that the approach to the FBI had been made but said that his followers had done it without his knowledge or consent. The ComCads retorted that no one in the Newman collective did anything without checking with Fred first.
Later that year, Newman announced the IWP was being abolished so that he and his associates could concentrate on community organizing. But a Manhattan newspaper, Heights and Valley News, published quotes in 1977 from IWP internal bulletins indicating that the party still existed as an underground formation. Since then, a steady stream of evidence—including many more internal documents, statements from former members, statements from psychotherapy clients who were the targets of unsuccessful recruitment as late as 2002, and sworn court deposition testimony—has indicated that the IWP continues as the core organization of a community that includes electoral third-party activists, actors, therapists, youth programs, and cultural entities that openly follow Newman's philosophy.
organization which fuses Leninist vanguardism with Newman's theories. Newman believes that everyday psychological ills are brought about by the same bourgeois social order
that supposedly is the cause of poverty and wars. In Power and Authority (1974) he argues that each person in capitalist society has a "dictatorship of the bourgeois ego" in his or her head, which should be replaced by a "dictatorship of the proletarian ego." This personal transformation, Newman suggested, could be brought about by the therapist functioning as political organizer, and by the power of the collective. This philosophy later came to be known as "social therapy" and was developed and elaborated in relation to various political and psychological themes. Those who adhere to Newman's philosophy, whether members of the IWP or not, are sometimes referred to by critics as "Newmanites."
Newman and his followers are among the many who claim to have been influenced by the work of Soviet psychologist Lev Vygotsky. Vygotsky (who died in the 1930s) was a developmental psychologist who pioneered the notion that the intellectual development of children is a function of human culture as mediated through the family and the larger community. Vygotsky's powerful and seminal contributions to modern thought have been adopted (and adapted) by a wide range of contemporary thinkers, some of whom resent their use in the controversial context of Social Therapy (Vygotsky himself never practiced, wrote about or conducted research on the subject of psychotherapy).
Over the years, critics have suggested that Newman's proletarian ego dictatorship is really the "cult-rule" of Newman's own ego, while some former members have described in articles and web postings how the "collective" (both in therapy and in political work) serves to browbeat, guilt-trip and intimidate individual members. Among the scores of former members, however, are some who say they benefited from the experience and are only mildly critical of Newman and other party leaders, as well as many individuals whose current opinions are unknown since they do not post Internet messages on the subject or communicate with other ex-IWPers or the media.
In the middle and late 1970s, the IWP was reportedly made up of fragmented "cell" groups that carried out party directives. Each cell had a leader, who would meet with Newman and other leaders in a group called "The Secretariat." Former members describe various levels of play-acting and various devices for squeezing more money and longer hours of work out of them having been added during the following years.
(NAP), an electoral party, which at its 1979 inception considered itself "pro-socialist" but also had a broader issue-oriented appeal; the All Stars Talent Show Network, a national youth program which staged talent competitions; and the Castillo Center, a theater and arts facility in Manhattan that would later merge with All Stars (more on All Stars below).
The NAP reached out to individuals and organizations interested in multiculturalism
and empowerment
. It ran candidates, organized forums and published a weekly newspaper. In 1988 the New Alliance Party fielded Lenora Fulani
for President, organizing a national drive that resulted in her becoming the first woman and the first African American to be on the ballot in all 50 states. This experience helped pave the way for the Newman group's later successes in less radical forms of third-party politics.
Some former members say (and have written in detail and testified under oath in court) that the IWP continued to operate "underground" in this period. For example, some of these individuals claim that it was the IWP members who selected out members of NAP to be invited into social therapy (and also, conversely, steered social therapy patients into NAP). Some former members also claim that IWP members would gradually reveal the "secret" of the IWP's existence to those deemed worthy of joining the vanguard (several former social therapy patients in Atlanta affirmed at a 2004 American Family Foundation conference that they had been approached in this manner in or around 2001 and 2002). Finally, some former members say that the IWP membership answered in the late 1980s and early 1990s to a small group termed the "Steering Committee," which consisted of the leading members of Newman's various organizations, including NAP's Fulani.
The IWP emulates democratic centralist
parties in that it has a "Central Committee," a governing body that supposedly represents the most dedicated and loyal members (some critics question its representativeness). In theory, democratic centralism allows for debate over strategy and tactics, although once the Central Committee arrives at a policy decision, all party members are required to follow through with it.
Some former members say that the Central Committee of the IWP is a means for Newman to control the social status of IWP members and that its members have little capacity to oppose Newman's personal will. For instance, when the party moved away from street organizing in minority communities during the 1990s, some members who left at that time (or shortly before) accused Newman of arbitrarily imposing new policies that had the effect, in the eyes of the dissidents, of turning the IWP into a personal fundraising machine for Newman. Supporters of Newman, however, claimed that the new policies were collectively agreed upon and were intended to create the conditions for broad-based independent electoral efforts by connecting with and building bridges between multiple communities. It is indisputable that, in the years since then, the IWP and its various entities have developed far greater political influence (in the New York City area, at least) and operate among broader circles than in the 1980s.
, an electoral third party. In 2001, the Independence Party had a major impact on the NYC mayoral campaign, with the Independence line providing a quantity of votes which exceed the victory margin of billionaire Michael Bloomberg
, a newly-minted Republican. Only months after Bloomberg took office, the All Stars Project, which Newman and Fulani had founded in the 1980s, secured an $8.5 million tax-free municipal loan (approved by the Industrial Development Agency board, whose members were mostly Bloomberg appointees) to purchase a headquarters on 42nd Street for its multi-theater, multicultural headquarters. (The approval process had been stalled for years under the more conservative Giuliani administration.)
Some critics and former members of NAP and the IWP have claimed that Newman and Fulani's willingness to seek Republican patronage betrays a stronger rightwing tilt than in previous years, citing not only their alliances with Republican politicians such as Bloomberg and Governor Pataki
but also their support for several months in 2000 of the Presidential campaign of Patrick Buchanan. Others simply note their increased willingness to "play the political game" — particularly with players who support electoral reform. And Fulani, in a book published that year, described herself as a "post-modern Bolshevik." In 2003, Newman gave a public speech entitled "Why I Am Still a Marxist."
Since 2002, the web site http://www.ex-iwp.org/ has provided a forum for former IWP members, mainly those hostile to the group, as well as some who remember it with mixed or positive feelings, to comment openly on their experiences and on the party's current political, cultural and fundraising endeavors. A "send us your stuff" appeal by webmaster Marina Ortiz (a freelance writer and former IWP member) resulted in the sending in of previously secret internal IWP documents which were duly mounted on the web site. The site's discussion page strives to provide a psychologically safe environment for the venting of painful memories, and both anti- and pro-Newman correspondents are strongly discouraged from using abusive language.
The New York Post in a 2002 article cited supposedly secret documents of recent provenance that suggest that the IWP is still carrying out a disciplined revolutionary strategy; however, it appears now to be a Gramscian one based on a long-range goal of capturing hegemony over cultural, educational and other superstructural positions in American society, rather than a continuation of the IWP's earlier model of achieving power through street agitation and confrontational organizing. (The hegemony theory of revolution was developed by Antonio Gramsci
, the second leader of the Italian Communist Party).
Psychotherapy
Psychotherapy is a general term referring to any form of therapeutic interaction or treatment contracted between a trained professional and a client or patient; family, couple or group...
Fred Newman
Fred Newman
Frederick Delano "Fred" Newman was an American philosopher, psychotherapist, playwright and political activist, and creator of a therapeutic modality called Social Therapy.-Early life:...
.
Origins
The history of the IWP is itself controversial. The article below reflects both critics and supporters of Fred Newman, Lenora FulaniLenora Fulani
Lenora Branch Fulani is an American psychologist, psychotherapist, and political activist. She may be best known for her presidential campaigns and development of youth programs serving minority communities in the New York City area...
and the many organizations they have built over the years.
The IWP has its roots in Centers for Change, a radical community organizing
Community organizing
Community organizing is a process where people who live in proximity to each other come together into an organization that acts in their shared self-interest. A core goal of community organizing is to generate durable power for an organization representing the community, allowing it to influence...
project led by Newman in New York City in the early 1970s. Newman led the CFC into a brief alliance (1973–74) and even briefer merger (three months in 1974) with Lyndon LaRouche
Lyndon LaRouche
Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche, Jr. is an American political activist and founder of a network of political committees, parties, and publications known collectively as the LaRouche movement...
's National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC); the association began shortly after the conclusion of LaRouche's infamous "Operation Mop Up," a series of violent NCLC attacks on leftist groups. Even before bringing CFC members into the NCLC, Newman had written articles supporting LaRouche's theories and techniques, especially LaRouche's use of psychoanalytical concepts in political organizing and recruitment efforts.
The reason Fred Newman and his colleagues provided for leaving the NCLC was a disagreement between LaRouche and Newman over what to do with the National Unemployed and Welfare Rights Organization (NUWRO), which the LaRouchians had founded the previous year (Newman wanted to build it up, while LaRouche wanted to concentrate on more rarefied issues). However, the differences in life style between LaRouchians and Newmanites were equally important in triggering the split, with the notably puritanical LaRouche writing that there was no room in the NCLC for the CFC's unconventional (by LaRouchian standards) sexual practices.
Newman and 38 of his followers issued an open letter (August 1974) in which they announced they were leaving the NCLC and forming the IWP. The latter, they proclaimed, would be the true vanguard
Vanguardism
In the context of revolutionary struggle, vanguardism is a strategy whereby an organization attempts to place itself at the center of the movement, and steer it in a direction consistent with its ideology....
party that would lead the supposedly impending (within months) revolution of the working class against Rockefeller fascism.
They also claim to have been the first to decry LaRouche's move to the Right. In fact, however, the Communist Party
Communist Party USA
The Communist Party USA is a Marxist political party in the United States, established in 1919. It has a long, complex history that is closely related to the histories of similar communist parties worldwide and the U.S. labor movement....
, Workers World Party
Workers World Party
Workers World Party is a far-left political party in the United States, founded in 1959 by a group led by Sam Marcy. Marcy and his followers split from the Socialist Workers Party in 1958 over a series of long-standing differences, among them Marcy's group's support for Henry A...
, the Socialist Workers Party
Socialist Workers Party (United States)
The Socialist Workers Party is a far-left political organization in the United States. The group places a priority on "solidarity work" to aid strikes and is strongly supportive of Cuba...
and the independent "Movement" left had all condemned the LaRouche organization as fascistic during Operation Mop Up. Newman's Centers for Change not only did not join in this condemnation (or in the self-defense coalition that protected leftist meetings at the height of the violence) but they began working enthusiastically with LaRouche. This was after Mop Up was over, but while the LaRouche organization was still engaging in physical intimidation against black activists and West Coast leftists. Furthermore, Newman and his closest associates expelled and harassed members of Centers for Change, such as Jim Retherford and David Socholitsky, who opposed the alliance with LaRouche. Newman then fulsomely praised LaRouche in the introduction to "Power and Authority" (1974) published almost one year after most of the Left had denounced LaRouche's move to the Right. Nevertheless, the Newman group, after their split from LaRouche, did denounce him and continued to do so over the years.
In 1975, the IWP was joined by four Trotskyists who had previously constituted themselves as the Class Unity Faction within the Workers World Party but had been forced out as a result of their opposition to the WWP leadership's supposed reformism
Reformism
Reformism is the belief that gradual democratic changes in a society can ultimately change a society's fundamental economic relations and political structures...
. The members of Class Unity hoped to convert the former CFC members to their own brand of revolutionary communism
Communism
Communism is a social, political and economic ideology that aims at the establishment of a classless, moneyless, revolutionary and stateless socialist society structured upon common ownership of the means of production...
but soon found that their polemical style, which emphasized ideological principles, clashed with Newman's emotionally-based psychotherapeutic approach to leftwing politics.
The Trotskyists and a handful of disillusioned former CFCers then split away in 1976 to form the short-lived "Communist Cadre" organization. In a dramatic public confrontation at a forum on New York's Upper West Side and in a series of mimeographed broadsides, they accused Newman of running a psychotherapy cult and of encouraging his followers to provide the FBI with false information on a dissident member of the former CFC, Jim Retherford, who had denounced Newman's alliance with LaRouche. Newman admitted that the approach to the FBI had been made but said that his followers had done it without his knowledge or consent. The ComCads retorted that no one in the Newman collective did anything without checking with Fred first.
Later that year, Newman announced the IWP was being abolished so that he and his associates could concentrate on community organizing. But a Manhattan newspaper, Heights and Valley News, published quotes in 1977 from IWP internal bulletins indicating that the party still existed as an underground formation. Since then, a steady stream of evidence—including many more internal documents, statements from former members, statements from psychotherapy clients who were the targets of unsuccessful recruitment as late as 2002, and sworn court deposition testimony—has indicated that the IWP continues as the core organization of a community that includes electoral third-party activists, actors, therapists, youth programs, and cultural entities that openly follow Newman's philosophy.
Ideas and Practices
The IWP considers itself a revolutionaryRevolutionary
A revolutionary is a person who either actively participates in, or advocates revolution. Also, when used as an adjective, the term revolutionary refers to something that has a major, sudden impact on society or on some aspect of human endeavor.-Definition:...
organization which fuses Leninist vanguardism with Newman's theories. Newman believes that everyday psychological ills are brought about by the same bourgeois social order
Social order
Social order is a concept used in sociology, history and other social sciences. It refers to a set of linked social structures, social institutions and social practices which conserve, maintain and enforce "normal" ways of relating and behaving....
that supposedly is the cause of poverty and wars. In Power and Authority (1974) he argues that each person in capitalist society has a "dictatorship of the bourgeois ego" in his or her head, which should be replaced by a "dictatorship of the proletarian ego." This personal transformation, Newman suggested, could be brought about by the therapist functioning as political organizer, and by the power of the collective. This philosophy later came to be known as "social therapy" and was developed and elaborated in relation to various political and psychological themes. Those who adhere to Newman's philosophy, whether members of the IWP or not, are sometimes referred to by critics as "Newmanites."
Newman and his followers are among the many who claim to have been influenced by the work of Soviet psychologist Lev Vygotsky. Vygotsky (who died in the 1930s) was a developmental psychologist who pioneered the notion that the intellectual development of children is a function of human culture as mediated through the family and the larger community. Vygotsky's powerful and seminal contributions to modern thought have been adopted (and adapted) by a wide range of contemporary thinkers, some of whom resent their use in the controversial context of Social Therapy (Vygotsky himself never practiced, wrote about or conducted research on the subject of psychotherapy).
Over the years, critics have suggested that Newman's proletarian ego dictatorship is really the "cult-rule" of Newman's own ego, while some former members have described in articles and web postings how the "collective" (both in therapy and in political work) serves to browbeat, guilt-trip and intimidate individual members. Among the scores of former members, however, are some who say they benefited from the experience and are only mildly critical of Newman and other party leaders, as well as many individuals whose current opinions are unknown since they do not post Internet messages on the subject or communicate with other ex-IWPers or the media.
In the middle and late 1970s, the IWP was reportedly made up of fragmented "cell" groups that carried out party directives. Each cell had a leader, who would meet with Newman and other leaders in a group called "The Secretariat." Former members describe various levels of play-acting and various devices for squeezing more money and longer hours of work out of them having been added during the following years.
After the 1970s
Newman and his followers created an array of public organizations of which the most important were the New Alliance PartyNew Alliance Party
The New Alliance Party was an American political party formed in New York City in 1979. Its immediate precursor was an umbrella organization known as the Labor Community Alliance for Change, whose member groups included the coalition of Grass Roots Women and the New York City Unemployed and...
(NAP), an electoral party, which at its 1979 inception considered itself "pro-socialist" but also had a broader issue-oriented appeal; the All Stars Talent Show Network, a national youth program which staged talent competitions; and the Castillo Center, a theater and arts facility in Manhattan that would later merge with All Stars (more on All Stars below).
The NAP reached out to individuals and organizations interested in multiculturalism
Multiculturalism
Multiculturalism is the appreciation, acceptance or promotion of multiple cultures, applied to the demographic make-up of a specific place, usually at the organizational level, e.g...
and empowerment
Empowerment
Empowerment refers to increasing the spiritual, political, social, racial, educational, gender or economic strength of individuals and communities...
. It ran candidates, organized forums and published a weekly newspaper. In 1988 the New Alliance Party fielded Lenora Fulani
Lenora Fulani
Lenora Branch Fulani is an American psychologist, psychotherapist, and political activist. She may be best known for her presidential campaigns and development of youth programs serving minority communities in the New York City area...
for President, organizing a national drive that resulted in her becoming the first woman and the first African American to be on the ballot in all 50 states. This experience helped pave the way for the Newman group's later successes in less radical forms of third-party politics.
Some former members say (and have written in detail and testified under oath in court) that the IWP continued to operate "underground" in this period. For example, some of these individuals claim that it was the IWP members who selected out members of NAP to be invited into social therapy (and also, conversely, steered social therapy patients into NAP). Some former members also claim that IWP members would gradually reveal the "secret" of the IWP's existence to those deemed worthy of joining the vanguard (several former social therapy patients in Atlanta affirmed at a 2004 American Family Foundation conference that they had been approached in this manner in or around 2001 and 2002). Finally, some former members say that the IWP membership answered in the late 1980s and early 1990s to a small group termed the "Steering Committee," which consisted of the leading members of Newman's various organizations, including NAP's Fulani.
The IWP emulates democratic centralist
Democratic centralism
Democratic centralism is the name given to the principles of internal organization used by Leninist political parties, and the term is sometimes used as a synonym for any Leninist policy inside a political party...
parties in that it has a "Central Committee," a governing body that supposedly represents the most dedicated and loyal members (some critics question its representativeness). In theory, democratic centralism allows for debate over strategy and tactics, although once the Central Committee arrives at a policy decision, all party members are required to follow through with it.
Some former members say that the Central Committee of the IWP is a means for Newman to control the social status of IWP members and that its members have little capacity to oppose Newman's personal will. For instance, when the party moved away from street organizing in minority communities during the 1990s, some members who left at that time (or shortly before) accused Newman of arbitrarily imposing new policies that had the effect, in the eyes of the dissidents, of turning the IWP into a personal fundraising machine for Newman. Supporters of Newman, however, claimed that the new policies were collectively agreed upon and were intended to create the conditions for broad-based independent electoral efforts by connecting with and building bridges between multiple communities. It is indisputable that, in the years since then, the IWP and its various entities have developed far greater political influence (in the New York City area, at least) and operate among broader circles than in the 1980s.
Late 1990s - 21st century
In the early and mid-1990s, Fulani, Newman and other IWP members joined with former followers of H. Ross Perot and other advocates of working outside the two-party system to build the New York Independence PartyIndependence Party of New York
The Independence Party is an affiliate in the U.S. state of New York of the Independence Party of America. The party was founded in 1991 by Dr. Gordon Black, Tom Golisano, and Laureen Oliver from Rochester, New York, and acquired ballot status in 1994...
, an electoral third party. In 2001, the Independence Party had a major impact on the NYC mayoral campaign, with the Independence line providing a quantity of votes which exceed the victory margin of billionaire Michael Bloomberg
Michael Bloomberg
Michael Rubens Bloomberg is the current Mayor of New York City. With a net worth of $19.5 billion in 2011, he is also the 12th-richest person in the United States...
, a newly-minted Republican. Only months after Bloomberg took office, the All Stars Project, which Newman and Fulani had founded in the 1980s, secured an $8.5 million tax-free municipal loan (approved by the Industrial Development Agency board, whose members were mostly Bloomberg appointees) to purchase a headquarters on 42nd Street for its multi-theater, multicultural headquarters. (The approval process had been stalled for years under the more conservative Giuliani administration.)
Some critics and former members of NAP and the IWP have claimed that Newman and Fulani's willingness to seek Republican patronage betrays a stronger rightwing tilt than in previous years, citing not only their alliances with Republican politicians such as Bloomberg and Governor Pataki
George Pataki
George Elmer Pataki is an American politician who was the 53rd Governor of New York. A member of the Republican Party, Pataki served three consecutive four-year terms from January 1, 1995 until December 31, 2006.- Early life :...
but also their support for several months in 2000 of the Presidential campaign of Patrick Buchanan. Others simply note their increased willingness to "play the political game" — particularly with players who support electoral reform. And Fulani, in a book published that year, described herself as a "post-modern Bolshevik." In 2003, Newman gave a public speech entitled "Why I Am Still a Marxist."
Since 2002, the web site http://www.ex-iwp.org/ has provided a forum for former IWP members, mainly those hostile to the group, as well as some who remember it with mixed or positive feelings, to comment openly on their experiences and on the party's current political, cultural and fundraising endeavors. A "send us your stuff" appeal by webmaster Marina Ortiz (a freelance writer and former IWP member) resulted in the sending in of previously secret internal IWP documents which were duly mounted on the web site. The site's discussion page strives to provide a psychologically safe environment for the venting of painful memories, and both anti- and pro-Newman correspondents are strongly discouraged from using abusive language.
The New York Post in a 2002 article cited supposedly secret documents of recent provenance that suggest that the IWP is still carrying out a disciplined revolutionary strategy; however, it appears now to be a Gramscian one based on a long-range goal of capturing hegemony over cultural, educational and other superstructural positions in American society, rather than a continuation of the IWP's earlier model of achieving power through street agitation and confrontational organizing. (The hegemony theory of revolution was developed by Antonio Gramsci
Antonio Gramsci
Antonio Gramsci was an Italian writer, politician, political philosopher, and linguist. He was a founding member and onetime leader of the Communist Party of Italy and was imprisoned by Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime...
, the second leader of the Italian Communist Party).
See also
- Clouds Blur the RainbowClouds Blur the RainbowClouds Blur the Rainbow: The Other Side of New Alliance Party is a non-fiction report by Chip Berlet, published in 1987 by Political Research Associates...
, 1988, by Chip BerletChip BerletJohn Foster "Chip" Berlet is an American investigative journalist, and photojournalist activist specializing in the study of right-wing movements in the United States, particularly the religious right, white supremacists, homophobic groups, and paramilitary organizations... - TvindTvindTvind is an international school centre in the small town of Ulfborg in Denmark, founded in 1970. The schools in Denmark are a progressive part of the Danish educational landscape and have educated more than 40,000 students over the years...
and The OThe O (political group)The O., short for "the Organization", also known as the C.O. or Cooperative Organization, was a Marxist-Leninist political group which grew out of the Minneapolis-Saint Paul food cooperative movement in the 1970s.-Origins:...
Two groups with similar politics, which have also been accused of being cults.